How we Win! Summary of findings on successful climate justice campaigns in North America: Difference between revisions

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How we win was a 2023 research project supervised by Dr. Jen Gobby, and conducted by McGill students Cassandra Ciafro, Anna Henry, Frida Sofia Morales Mora, Thomas Nakasako, Dafne Ozcan, Nico Serreqi and Lea Vadez Reyes. It investigates the following question: What can be learned from the struggles and successes of intersectional climate campaigns across Turtle Island (North America) over the past 20 years, and what factors contribute to the success of these campaigns? This page includes a summary of the campaigns/movements included in the report and the tactics used, key factors that contributed to the success of multiple campaigns/movements, HUB team observations and suggestions based on key takeaways, plus key quotes from interviews and surveys with successful activists/organizers for more specific suggestions and examples.

To read the full report, see the following: How We Win! A Qualitative Review of Successful Climate Justice Campaigns in North America in the Last 20 Years

Summary of the successful climate justice campaigns

Suggestion: look for campaigns that most resonate with an issue near you, a campaign you're working on etc. Are there tactics that haven't yet been applied in your context?

'Success’ was defined as having achieved material gains, or advancements in physical, financial, legal, or electoral conditions.

14 successful intersectional climate justice campaigns from Mexico, the so-called United States and so-called Canada were explored to respond to the research question.
12 directly addressed racial justice, 11 addressed Indigenous rights, 8 tackled health and/or water justice, 3 addressed housing justice, 2 tackled disability justice and 1 addressed food justice.
Almost all of those explored were started by local, directly impacted Indigenous communities. The majority set to stop activities before they began (when projects were first proposed).
Length of campaign activities ranged from 6 months to over 50 years (Global Nonviolent Action Database, 2023). Half of the campaigns explored are still ongoing.

The campaigns explored were:

Stand LA (US)

“For us [...] it's a justice issue. And it's also an equity issue. If there is a universal good, we have to start with the most vulnerable, because equity never ever trickles down. It has to start from the bottom”.

Summary of group	Founded in 2013, Stand-LA formed to halt oil drilling in residential areas in Los Angeles. Their campaigns address environmentally and health hazardous projects that impact marginalized communities. ^[1]
'People Not Pozos' (People not wells) campaign	Targeted AllenCo drilling site was polluting a low-income, minority community. This had negative health impacts on residents (Cavallaro 2022). Organizing tactics included: Door-knocking to gather data on the various symptoms experienced by residents, followed by making a health report (Andrade et al. 2017) Making an art piece of eight styrofoam heads, each suffering from one of the symptoms caused by the drill site pollution. Organizing a community call-in campaign to the Air Quality Management District (AQMD) Conducting a press conference. This got the attention of Senator Barbara Boxer, the federal head of the environmental committee. SUCCESS: Senator Boxer called on the Environmental Protection Agency to perform an investigation, and the AllenCo site shut down. Following their success, the STAND-L.A. coalition formalized.
'No Drilling Where We Are Living' campaign	Organizing tactics against the Murphy drill site included: Coalition building and community engagement: Extensive outreach efforts increased participation. These efforts also strengthened the influence of residents (Liberty Hill Foundation 2023). Science-based evidence: In 2015, AQMD modified the law. It mandated fossil fuel extraction sites to disclose their chemicals. Activists found that each chemical caused the symptoms they identified in their door-knocking. This strengthened their arguments when communicating the problem (Halpern Ibrahim Interview 2023). SUCCESSES: E&B Natural Resources electrified and enclosed the Murphy drill site to keep toxic fumes out of nearby homes and reduce pollution. Won a resolution prohibiting new oil drilling in the Inglewood oil field (Liberty Hill Foundation 2023; Stone 2023). Influenced legislative changes. For example, Senate Bill 1137 bans new oil and gas wells within 3,200 feet of sensitive areas. It has contributed to significant oil phaseout resolutions in Los Angeles, both at the city and county levels (Gross 2022; Stone 2023).
Major challenges faced by STAND-LA	Oil lobbying to oppose legislative measures Reports the oil industry is employing canvassers to use misleading tactics when gathering signatures to qualify the referendum for ballots (Gross 2022).

Stop Cop City (US)

“Whether the win comes through the ballot, in the courts or in the streets, Cop City must never be built”

Summary of campaign and project	Stop Cop City began in 2017 in response to the city of Atlanta's plan to build the biggest police and firefighter training facility in the country. Economic: The majority of the funding is expected to come from taxpayers, despite no public consultation on the project. Environment: The proposed site is the Weelanee forest (Bethea 2023). It comprises the South River, one of the most endangered rivers in the United States due to sewage pollution. Indigenous sovereignty: The land belonged to the Muscogee Creek Nation before they were displaced (Bethea 2022). Racism: The land was the site of a low-security prison farm. Accounts of torture and violence against black inmates were recorded (Bethea 2022). Today, the forest serves as an important green space for the residents of the predominantly Black surrounding neighborhoods (Mock 2023). Settler colonialism: Officers trained at the facility will not only target predominantly BIPOC communities in the USA; their exchange program will also train members of the Israeli Defense Forces ^[2]
Summary of resistance	After the project was announced, the Atlanta City Council solicited a session of public feedback. Over 1000 people attended and it lasted over 17 hours. The majority of people were against the project. (Sydow 2023). Following... Organizing tactics have included: Weekly safe space events by community members in the Welanee forest, such as potlucks, reading groups, and teach-ins. The goal was for people across Atlanta to learn about the issue, and connect with the forest. Direct action in the form of protests all over the city to spread awareness. A ballot referendum campaign to allow constituents to vote on the issue. Door-knocking in various neighborhoods to collect signatures. SUCCESS: DeKalb County, being an unincorporated borough of Atlanta, barred its residents from participating in the voting or signature collection process for the referendum. Four county residents took legal action with a lawsuit against the City of Atlanta. They won the right for DeKalb residents to both collect signatures and initiate a new 60-day countdown (Sydow 2023). Activists needed 58,000 signatures from registered voters in 60-day timeframe. They gathered over 116,000 signatures (Franzen 2023).
Major challenges faced by Stop Cop City	Police violence has been a major challenge throughout the campaign. During a protest, activist Manuel Terán (“Tortuguita”) was shot fourteen times by Georgia state troopers (Goldberg 2023). Many protesters have been arrested and charged for racketeering and domestic terrorism (Rico 2023). Most recently in November 2023, the coalition planned a peaceful protest and tree planting in the forest, but they were met with physical resistance and tear gassed by the police. At the time of writing the report, the government was delaying the signature approval process. Cop City may not be included on the ballot.

Keystone XL Pipeline (US/CAN)

Summary of project	Proposed in 2008 by TC Energy, the Keystone XL pipeline extension was designed to increase the transport of crude oil from Alberta’s tar sands to refineries on the Gulf Coast of Texas (Denchak and Lindwall 2022). The pipeline extension project was expected to transport 830,000 barrels of crude oil per day across the Canada-U.S. border. The pipeline would have affected Indigenous communities in Montana and South Dakota (Lindwall 2021). The proposed path was altered to not cross Indigenous reservations but still risked multiple Indigenous lands and important sources for drinking water. E.g. the Ogallala Aquifer serves as the main water source for millions of people (Adler 2015).
Summary of resistance	Organizing tactics included: Coalition building: Many grassroots activists, including Indigenous communities and environmentalists, were involved before larger organizers, such as 350.org (Adler 2015). They aided in the organizing of the initial coalition, consisting of national environmental organizations including the Natural Resource Defense Council (NRDC), the Sierra Club, and First Nations and Native American activist groups such as Idle No More and local landowners (Adler 2015). Legal petitions Civil resistance and protest along the construction route/in Washington SUCCESS: An initial win for campaigners came in 2015: President Obama rejected a cross-border permit for Keystone XL after years of large acts of civil disobedience and protest (Henn 2021). NRDC and their partners legal petitions effectively delayed the completion of the project (National Resource Defense Council 2021). Finally, the project was fully put to an end in 2021, as the newly elected Biden administration rescinded a permit for the KXL pipeline, effectively killing it (Engelfried 2021).

Grassy Narrows (CAN)

Summary of project	Asubpeeschoseewagong Netum Anishinabek community members of the Ojibwe First Nations Reserve in Grassy Narrows have faced unregulated mercury pollution in the Wabigoon River. Environmental racism: In the 1960s, Dryden Paper Company Ltd. dumped 9,000 kg of untreated mercury into the English-Wabigoon river system, upstream from Grassy Narrows and Whitedog First Nations. Food sovereignty: The Canadian Government banned the consumption of fish from the local river system. Community members still remained reliant on the fish as a diet staple, and the resulting mercury poisoning has devastated the health of the community (Anderson 2020). Poverty: 60% of Grassy Narrows and Whitedog’s inhabitants had lost their jobs from the fish ban and were placed on welfare (Charlebois 1978, 205). Health: Many community members were diagnosed with Minamata Disease. The most common symptoms are sensory disturbances, poor muscle control (ataxia) and tunnel vision. Researchers also found evidence of Congenital Minamata Disease, which has resulted in cerebral palsy and intellectual development delays.
Summary of resistance	Grassy Narrows continued to demand fair compensation for mercury poisoning, which had been impacting 90% of the population, and ending all logging and mining plans in the area. Organizing tactics: Letter-writing campaigns Hunger strikes Blockades Yearly protests and marches (Saku 2021; Gilson 2019) Formation of alliances with environmental NGOs like Rainforest Action Network (RAN) and other grassroots organizers (Saku 2021, 28). Solidarity and support of non-Indigenous grassroots organizers can be crucial when it comes to funding, direct action, media relations and legal advocacy, evident through RAN’s support during the 2004 blockade. SUCCESS: In 2017, the Ontario government pledged $85 million towards cleaning up the industrial mercury contamination in the Wabigoon River almost 50 years after the pollution had been identified (Porter 2017). By 2021, the Liberal Government agreed to spend $90 million to build and operate the much needed public infrastructure to support those suffering from Minamata Disease. However, in 2023, the specialized infrastructure project failed to be granted any funding by the Government, citing soaring costs.

#RightToBreathe/PES (US)

Photo from: Philly Thrive

Summary of project	The 2016 Southport Campaign set out to stop Philadelphia Energy Solutions (PES) oil refinery expansion (Xiao, 2017). PES was the second largest oil refinery in the United States (Xiao 2017). The PES refinery was responsible for over 50% of Philadelphia’s toxic air emissions (ecoAmerica 2021). This is one of the main reasons for the high rates of asthma, cancer, and other respiratory problems amongst Philadelphians (Philly Thrive 2017). The residents who were at higher exposure from the pollution were low-income people of colour (Philly Thrive 2016a).
Summary of resistance	Philly Thrive, an organization led by Black, disabled, and chronically ill activists was a main organizer for the #RightToBreathe campaign (Brockmeier 2022). Organizing tactics included: Teach-ins and community outreach; Philly Thrive collaborated with ACTION united to mobilize community members to demand their “Right to Breathe” (Philly Thrive 2016b) in 2016. This coincided with “Break Free 2016,” a wave of resistance to fossil fuels infrastructure by activists across the globe (Philly Thrive 2016b). Social media and hopeful imagery: Throughout the campaign the hashtag #RightToBreathe was used across social media channels, and the image of sunflowers, symbolizing the belief in “a better future for Philadelphia with clean air, healthy families and a green economy,” were seen during protests (Philly Thrive 2016b). Working groups: Momentum was maintained throughout the campaign due to the organization of small working groups (ecoAmerica 2021). Direct actions and storytelling: More protests and take-overs were planned, including a “Toxic Tour” of the oil refinery on July 26th led by Philly Thrive, ACTION United, LeftRoots, and Global Grassroots Justice Alliance (Philly Thrive 2016c). At this event, frontline activists shared global and local personal stories of how they have been impacted by the fossil fuel economies (Philly Thrive 2016c). SUCCESS: Victory was declared in December when the expansion plans were officially canceled (Thompson 2016). Despite the cancellations, Philly Thrive continued with advocacy and mobilization of more campaigns until PES refinery went bankrupt in 2018 and finally shut down in 2019 after a series of explosions (Hanley 2020). Philly Thrive continues to organize for environmental justice with their campaigns. They are now advocating for their “RightToThrive”, to repair and clean up 154 years of violence and pollution in their communities (Brockmeier 2021; Philly Thrive).

13 Pueblos (Mexico)

Summary of groups and project	The Movement of the 13 pueblos started in 2006 to cancel the development plans for the La Ciénega housing units around the area of the Chihuahuita spring in Morelos, Mexico (Arnaut 2010). There was no prior consultation or proper Environmental Impact Assessment for this project (Navarro 2007). The 13 pueblos involved were Tepetzingo, Tetecalita, Temimilcingo, Acamilpa, Pueblo Nuevo, Tlaltizapan, Huatecalco, El Mirador, Benito Juárez, Tetelpa, Santa Rosa Treinta, San Miguel Treinta, and Xoxocotla (Velazco 2018). Most pueblos were made up of Indigenous communities, and campesinos or farmers. The infrastructure to deliver water from the Chihuahuita spring had been previously donated by President Lázaro Cárdenas to provide water to Xoxocotla and the neighboring pueblos back in 1934 (Arnaut 2010). This donation was of major importance as the communities had been struggling from a lack of water access all throughout the Mexican Revolution due to hoarding and misuse by the large haciendas (estates) for the production of sugar cane (Arnaut 2010). Again, access to water was threatened by the La Ciénega housing units, as their planned locations were in the water replenishment areas of the spring (Arnaut 2010).
Summary of resistance	The 13 pueblos came together to resist the construction plans and advocate for their land sovereignty and water access (Navarro 2007). This was possible due to the creation of the consejo de los pueblos or the council of the pueblos. Here, members from each pueblo met every Sunday to learn about each other’s concerns, devise their strategies, and find alternative solutions without government authority (Tabone 2008, 00:20:40). No association with government parties was allowed (Tabone 2008, 00:23:20). For three years, they protested, organized blockades, and counter-reports despite strong government opposition and police brutality (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:53:10). In September of 2007, 153 Indigenous leaders from Canada, the United States, Peru, and other counties in Latin America came together in Xochicalco for the Council of the 13 pueblos and the presentation of their manifesto (Rincón 2023 and Tabone 2008, 00:16:00). The manifesto was made in defense of the land, air, and water, and it outlined the current crisis and visions for the future (Pueblos de Morelos 2007; Casiba 2007, 1:08). It also accused the government and corporations of labeling the areas as “unproductive” to justify construction plans despite the presence of Indigenous and farmer communities (Pueblos de Morelos 2007). SUCCESS: In September of 2008, a court case was presented in the Latin American Water Court where CEAMA (the State Water and Environment Commission) and Conagua were blamed for having authorized construction permits without proper assessment and not taking into account the needs of the surrounding communities (Rincón 2023). In 2009, three years after the movement's conception, the project plans were canceled and the area within a 100 meter radius of the Chihuahuita spring was protected (Rincón 2023).
Major challenges faced	At the Jojutla-Cuernavaca toll booth on June 4th, 2007,\ several people were injured and arrested (Navarro 2007; Velazco 2018). The people of the 13 pueblos were often tear-gassed by police forces, bribed, and some individuals received death threats (Tabone 2008, 00:34:30). They had to fight opposing narratives from the government and Conagua, Mexico’s National Water Commission, that falsely claimed there was sufficient water for the construction of the housing units (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:32:40).

Trans Mountain Expansion Pipeline (CAN)

Summary of project	The Trans Mountain Expansion project (TMX) is a pipeline expansion project that aims to construct a second pipeline, approximately parallel to the current trans-mountain pipeline that transports crude oil from Edmonton to the coast of British Columbia. The pipeline expansion project would triple capacity from around 300 million barrels a day to almost 900 million barrels a day (Trans Mountain 2016). The pipeline expansion project was first proposed by Kinder Morgan in 2013, with an estimated price of just under $5 billion. The Canadian federal government purchased the pipeline in 2018 to keep the project alive after significant resistance and price increases. Since its proposal, the price tag for the project has increased sixfold, to over $30 billion today. Analysts and economists have stated that this expansion project will have a net cost that will be passed on to taxpayers (Cunningham 2020). Beyond the lack of justification for the pipeline expansion project, the project perpetuates other forms of injustice and violence. This includes a lack of proper consultation for free, prior, and informed consent by Indigenous peoples, as well as violence towards women and children due to aggressions from “man camps” that are created to work at these sites (Cunningham 2020). Furthermore, the project violates federal objectives towards a clean energy transition (Canada 2023; Coast Protectors 2023).
Summary of resistance	The expansion project has met fierce resistance from its onset, particularly direct action by First Nations. This direct action in blocking the pipeline construction has been supported by many academics, activists, and environmental organizations. Of note is the creation of a camp by the Tiny House Warriors of the Secwépemc nation that has physically resisted the project by inhabiting areas to be developed. This serves the dual purpose of resisting the expansion project and asserting Indigenous sovereignty on the land (Cunningham 2020). The mobilization against TMX can only be considered a partial win; despite increasing public opposition, increased costs, countless delays, financial problems, and difficulties finding banks or insurers to host the project, its construction has not been halted. It is set to begin operations in 2024 (Cunningham, 2020).
Major challenges faced	The mobilization has faced a major challenge: both the owner and the judge of the project’s feasibility, the Canadian government, is in a favorable position to impose the expansion project and issue construction permits. This poses ethical questions of the democratic processes behind this economically unviable, destructive project. Furthermore, this has also led to repressive monitoring and policing of activists, including a bill that prohibits approaching any of the construction sites (CBC 2019). Over 200 activists have been arrested for their involvement in mobilizations against TMX (Stand Earth, 2023).

Atlantic Coast Pipeline (US)

Summary of project	The Atlantic Coast Pipeline was a pipeline development project proposed by Dominion Energy and Duke Energy in September 2013. It was designed to transport almost 42 million cubic meters of gas daily from the Utica and Marcellus gas fields in West Virginia to Virginia and North Carolina (Zullo 2016). The proposed project received an Environmental Impact Statement in late 2016 and aimed at starting construction in 2017, with an estimated cost of $5.1 billion (Zullo 2016). The proposed project would have disproportionately affected predominantly African American communities, as well as Indigenous communities (CBF 2023).
Summary of resistance	Environmental organizations, grassroots groups founded by residents and landowners, and a legal organization (the Southern Environmental Law Centre) converged in voicing public opinion and instigating legal battles against the pipeline. These mobilizations included, but were not limited to: signs on homes, marches, letters to relevant authorities, legal actions, public meetings, and non-violent actions. A coalition of environmental, conservation, and public advocacy groups signed a letter demanding that rigorous environmental assessment be conducted, citing pipeline engineers and environmental specialists that had stated the inappropriateness of the project (Southern Environmental Law Centre 2021). SUCCESS: A significant legal win was the recognition of the impacts on the Appalachian Trail, and that as a part of the National Parks System, the United States Forest service did not have the authority to issue construction permits (Appalachian Voices 2023; CBF 2023). In July 2020, Dominion Energy and Duke Energy announced the cancellation of the pipeline, citing ongoing delays, the COVID-19 pandemic, legal uncertainty, and increasing costs of construction (Dominion Energy 2020).

Public Power New York (US)

Summary of project and groups	In 2019, the state of New York adopted the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA) which commits to achieve 100% renewable energy by 2040 and at least 70% of electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030 (Pierpont and Eckel 2023, 4). To achieve the CLCPA goals and to ensure that social and economic justice is taken into account while doing so, Public Power New York (PPNY) led a campaign that lasted for approximately 3.5 years (from late 2019 to May 2023) and aimed to pass the Build Public Renewables Act in the state budget (Dawson 2023). The Build Public Renewables Act will require the New York Power Authority (NYPA)–the largest US public power agency–to not only provide fully renewable energy to citizens by 2040, but also to ensure that economic, social, and racial justice are taken into account while doing so. The Bill will ensure that the energy jobs have high labor standards (Pierpont and Eckel 2023, 5), and that the transition to renewable energy is led by the public sector. The Bill will also ensure that the most polluting oil and gas plants, located mainly in low-income communities of color, will be shut down by 2030, and that energy is affordable for lower income communities (PPNY n.d.b). PPNY is a state-wide grassroots coalition that brings together more than 20 environmental justice organizations, labor unions, and thousands of volunteers to pass the bill (PPNY n.d.e.). On top of advocating for climate justice, the coalition pays serious attention to the intersectional dimensions of the fight for renewable energy, such as racial and economic justice (PPNY n.d.a).
Summary of resistance	The overall strategy of the movement was to put public pressure on politicians and get as many people involved and concerned as possible. For instance, the coalition encouraged people to call and send emails to Governor Kathy Hochul, the politician responsible for passing the bill (PPNY n.d.d). They organized public events to educate the larger public about the state of the current NY energy system, and got members of the movement campaigning for office on platforms that explicitly endorsed Public Power NY (Dawson 2023). However, the most important tactic was forming a state-wide coalition (PPNY n.d.e). Building alliances while many politicians were opposed to the Bill proved to be difficult; involving labor unions was particularly arduous because of the worker’s skepticism of the notoriously anti-union renewable energy industry (Dawson 2023). SUCCESS: After nearly four years of campaigning, PPNY successfully achieved its goal when the New York State legislature decided to pass the Build Public Renewables Act in May 2023 and allocate a budget to the NYPA that would allow for its effective implementation (PPNY n.d.c).

Mi’kmaq Resistance (CAN)

Summary of project	In 2009, the provincial government of New Brunswick granted Southwestern Energy Resources a permit to explore over a million hectares of land for natural gas extraction (Howe 2015, 49). New Brunswick citizens opposed this decision by signing many petitions and organizing protests (Howe 2015). The citizen-led opposition to fracking was not heard nor taken into account by the government and in 2013, the latter allowed South Western Energy Resources and Irving Oil to conduct exploration for and extraction of natural gas on unceded Mi'kma'ki territory (Dahm 2014).
Summary of resistance	The Elsipogtog First Nation was opposed to the project because it was hazardous to their lands and waters. On June 5^th 2013, South Western Energy Resources started to do seismic testing which led the Mi’kmaq of New Brunswick and their allies to start protesting against the project (Dahm 2014). The Mi’kmaq Warrior Society played a large role in organizing blockades and resisting police repression (Warrior Publications n.d.). This campaign was thus Indigenous-led, but it also received support from other Indigenous groups and settler allies (Howe 2015; Crosby and Monaghan 2018). The Indigenous-led organization IDLE No More called for a national day of solidarity protest on December 2^nd (Dahm 2014). SUCCESS: The companies finally decided to abandon seismic testing and to leave the province until 2015 (Dahm 2014). In 2015, a temporary moratorium on fracking was announced by the government of New Brunswick and was extended indefinitely in 2016 (CBC News 2018; McCarthy 2016).
Challenges faces	There was a strong alliance between the province, the police, and the fracking companies; the state mobilized surveillance resources to stop the opposition (Crosby and Monaghan 2018; Warrior Publications 2013). The government opposition to the protesters and the strong police repression was the main challenge faced by protesters.

GNL Quebec (CAN)

Summary of project	GNL Quebec project involves the development of a 750-kilometer natural gas pipeline operated by Gazoduq, the establishment of a gas liquefaction plant managed by Énergie Saguenay, and the creation of a terminal for the export of methane using supertanker vessels in Saguenay, QC (Kurdi 2020a).
Summary of resistance	The movement's inception in 2017, marked by an initial demonstration led by Innu Land and Water Protectors, set the stage for broader opposition to the GNL Quebec project. In the following years, efforts were consolidated by diverse actors, including local citizens, civil society groups, environmental activists, opposition parties, and student associations, all uniting against GNL Quebec. Forming an informal coalition expanded the movement from a local to a national issue (L’Héritier 2021; Fiset 2021; Kurdi 2021; Bergamo 2021). Tactics: Utilizing petitions, polls, and active participation in official public consultations, notably through the Bureau d’audiences publiques en environnement (BAPE). The movement demonstrated a concerted effort to voice opposition through many formal channels with record-breaking participation (Fiset 2020; Kurdi 2020b). Decentralized actions, like hanging banners at symbolic locations, enhanced visibility and emphasized the project's lack of social acceptability (Kurdi 2021; Marie-Ève Maillé, Baba, and Marcotte 2023). The global climate strikes on September 27, 2019, that drew half a million people and featured a speech by climate activist Greta Thunberg, provided the GNL Quebec movement with an international platform. SUCCESS: Moreover, financial setbacks in 2020 and 2021, marked by major investors, including Warren Buffett's firm, withdrawing support from the project, underscored the economic vulnerabilities of the GNL Quebec initiative (Houle 2020; Bourque 2021). The political landscape shifted as the BAPE Report came out in the movement’s favor, prompting Quebec Premier François Legault to succumb to escalating public pressure and reject the project in July 2021 (L’Héritier 2021). The official cancellation of the GNL Quebec project was the result of multiple contributing factors. The success is attributed to the movement’s multi-level approach, engaging local, national, and international spheres, and its adeptness at turning passive allies into active allies, expanding the support base beyond its initial confines, and creating a unified front.

Standing Rock (US)

Summary of project	Standing Rock protests can be traced back to Energy Transfer Partners' proposal for the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), intended to traverse sacred Indigenous lands. The campaign's primary objectives were threefold: safeguarding the Missouri River, protecting sacred lands and historical sites, and upholding the sovereignty and treaty rights of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. Central to the tribe's argument was the contention that the DAPL breached Article II of the Fort Laramie Treaty, securing the right to the peaceful and uninterrupted utilization of reservation lands (Smithsonian 2015). In March 2016, a pivotal moment occurred as Tokata Iron Eyes and the Standing Rock Youth uncovered plans to reroute the pipeline through sacred lands (Petronzio 2016; Elbein 2017). This discovery marked the initiation of the #NoDAPL movement.
Summary of resistance	Tactics: The #NoDAPL movement was led by teenagers who utilized online platforms, petitions, and grassroots mobilizations to galvanize resistance. The movement gained momentum, becoming a focal point for opposition to the pipeline. As tensions escalated, encampments like Sacred Stone and Oceti Sakowin became central to resistance (Yardley 2017). These encampments served as strategic hubs, fostering communal dynamics and providing a base for legal strategies employed by the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. The ReZpect Our Water group played a critical role within the broader #NoDAPL movement by organizing relay runs, symbolizing the historic and spiritual practice of running among Native peoples, contributing to the movement's visibility (Joseph 2016). Social media, particularly the #NoDAPL hashtag, were crucial in amplifying the movement's message and reaching a global audience (Petronzio 2016). International advocacy efforts included engagements with the UN Human Rights Council and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Medina 2016). SUCCESS: In December 2016 the Department of the Army denied an easement under Lake Oahe, effectively halting the pipeline's progression (Healy and Fandos 2016). This decision had socio-political ramifications, generating jubilation at the Oceti Sakowin camp and broader implications for Indigenous rights (Healy and Fandos 2016; Todrys 2021).
Challenges faced	President Trump's memorandum in 2017 accelerated the project and there was excessive use of force by police and private military personnel during violent confrontations with protestors (Hersher 2017; Levin and Woolf 2016; Peralta 2016; Levin, Woolf, and Carrington 2016). Yet, as the US administration office changes, with President Biden now in office, there remains hope for Standing Rock protestors to be heard (Todrys 2021).

Athabasca Tar Sands Resistance (CAN)

Summary of project	The Athabasca-Chipewyan First Nation (ACFN) strongly challenged Shell’s proposed development, seeking compensation for damage already done and legal recognition of native land rights on traditional territories outside of reserves (Lim 2014).
Summary of resistance	The ACFN mounted significant legal opposition against Shell in the form of lawsuits and interventions in the regulatory process (Climate & Capitalism 2011; Narine 2015). Withdrawing from consultative committees proved effective, as these committees often had little impact, and oil companies could no longer claim Indigenous consultation (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). In 2010, the Tar Sands Healing Walk was founded by a group of Indigenous activists including the ACFN (Leahy 2014). The Healing Walk, a 14-kilometer walk through the tar sands, was intended to build community and raise awareness about the damage caused by bitumen extraction (Leahy 2014). The Walk ended in 2014 after organizers felt its goals had been achieved (Leahy 2014). To maximize effectiveness, large coalitions formed from diverse actors including Indigenous groups, environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs), labor groups, and religious groups (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). On coalition building, Lubicon Cree activist Melina Laboucan-Massimo said, “‘When we work in coalitions – the environmental movement, First Nations and the labor movement – there’s such a convergence of diverse voices…we’re really starting to see growing public accountability and public opposition being seen and taken seriously'’” (Rose 2014). These coalitions extended beyond local communities to the international scale, raising public awareness and increasing pressure on oil companies (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). SUCCESS: In 2014, a series of large development projects, including Shell’s Pierre River Mine, were canceled due to “market forces and public opposition” (Rose 2014). It is estimated that public opposition to tar sands has cost the oil industry over $17 billion (Rose 2014).
Challenges faced	An identified challenge to Indigenous groups was their relatively small size, which made it easy for large multinational corporations to ignore them (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014).

Nitaskinan60 (CAN)

Summary of project	Nitaskinan60, or the Kilometer 60 campaign, is an ongoing campaign in Manawan, Québec, Canada. On February 17th, the Dubé family, Atikamekw First Nation and land custodians in Manawan, asked the Scierie Saint-Michel to cease illegal logging in the Dubé’s ancestral maple grove (The North Star 2022). Scierie Saint-Michel refused to respect the family’s authority, ignoring both a cease and desist letter and the harmonization agreement between the Québec government and the Atikamekw Band Council (The North Star 2022).
Summary of resistance	The Dubé family and Manawan community established a blockade on the road leading into the maple grove and announced a moratorium on logging in Manawan (Richardson and Fournier 2022). The blockade started in February with the immediate goal of stopping the illegal logging and the long-term goal of Indigenous sovereignty and unity. Annette Dubé-Vollant, the family’s spokesperson, stated, “‘We want to create one nation, one territory. We don't want separate territories. They [the government] have succeeded in dividing us, they have divided us for a long time. They still divide us in the community. It's the same in Wemotaci, they divide us by giving us envelopes [of money]. So that's what we're in the process of forming, a unified movement” (The North Star 2023). SUCCESS: The Québec Ministère des Fôrets, de la Faune et des Parcs (MFFP) published seven sustainable forestry recommendations for better community consultation and involvement (Conseil de la Nation Atikamekw 2022; Fournier 2022)
Challenges faced	While campaigning, some activists expressed fear of danger to individuals, physical or legal (Josselin 2022). The greatest challenge, however, was a lack of government cooperation, forthrightness, and responsibility. The Québec Ministère des Fôrets, de la Faune et des Parcs (MFFP) issued a report in May, 2022, concluding that the MFFP and Scerie Saint-Michel were both at fault (Conseil de la Nation Atikamekw 2022). However, the report neither offered reparations or compensation to the Dubé family or Manawan community nor penalized either of the responsible parties (Fournier 2022).

Summary of strategy and tactics used

Figure developed by student researchers for How We Win!

Summary of strategies and tactics:

All participated in a form of direct action (disruption of status quo through physical action). Specific tactics varied: protests, marches, sit-ins, civil disobedience and blockades.
Community engagement and large scale protests were the 2nd most common strategies used. Engagement with impacted community members was achieved through canvassing, community meetings, workshops, teach-ins, reading groups, focus groups, speak-ins and public events. Specific examples include the Standing Rock Relay Runs, the Grassy Narrows River Run, and weekly potlucks for Stop Cop City (Gilson 2019; Joseph 2016; Sydow 2022).
Large scale protests were achieved through petitions and letters. This was important for the involvement of community members who do not have the same time, ability or privilege to partake in direct action or community events.
Half of the campaigns used coalition building, legal action and political pressure. Success came from the creation of an entirely new entity, creating diverse knowledge, perspectives and increasing the size and strength of campaigns.
Engagement with formalized political and legal processes was used by seeking policy change, using call campaigns, attending public meetings or consultations, running for office or organizing election campaigns. While many campaigns faced high opposition, many benefited from political alliances. Legal challenges using lawsuits, legal curt appeals, course cases, referendums and legal advocacy often delayed projects, but did not always result in material gains.
Just under half of the campaigns used communication platforms to engage the public through social media campaigns, banners, magazines, press conferences, documentaries etc. Alternative media and social media was useful in countering mainstream media which often aligns with government and industry perspectives.
Finally, a small handful of campaigns conducted independent research to enhance the campaigns credibility and convince people of it's importance.

Summary of participating actors

Actors varied across campaigns. The most recurrent type of actors across the case studies were activist networks made up of community members, volunteers, Indigenous groups, and environmental organizations.
Actors from unions participated in 4 out of 14 case studies. For the Public Power NY campaign, the involvement of labor unions was identified as a turning point in the struggle. (Dawson 2023; Public Power New York n.d.a.)
The least recurrent type of actors were academics, businesses, legal groups, health groups, and student groups. For GNL Quebec campaign, students made up the largest fraction of supporters with 54 student associations representing more than 350,000 members. Student’s involvement was also identified as crucial.
- - Academics were defined as actors in the TMX Pipeline and GNL Quebec campaigns. Academic Tim Takaro camped in a tree scheduled to be cut down for the construction of the TMX pipeline and this gathered significant media attention that reached different audiences (Cunningham 2020). David Suzuki, a well known celebrity and academic, was involved with the campaign against GNL Quebec. The involvement of academics or well-known experts helped these campaigns gain wider media attention.
Research for the Athabasca Tar Sands case study states that, “Dominant political and industry actors were largely able to overlook the movement until a diverse and influential set of social movement actors began collaborating and shifting these local struggles transnationally.” (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). The diversity and number of actors contributing their respective knowledge and support seem to strengthen campaigns.

Summary of challenges

Half of the campaigns faced government opposition.
About a third of the campaigns faced police repression, and about a third had difficulty creating alliances due to diverging opinions.
About a quarter of the campaigns faced legal challenges, and about a quarter had health-related challenges linked directly to the struggle.
2 of the campaigns struggled with misinformation, which required extensive educational efforts to counter.

To overcome these challenges:

Direct action was used both as a counter to repression, and also faced additional repression. Increased project costs and delays to construction helped address the challenges faced using direct action.
Coalitions were used to increased knowledge and resources, strengthening the response to particular challenges.
Legal challenges and large public demonstrations were used to overcome government opposition.

Summary of successes and factors for success

Identifies successes

Success	How the Research Team Defined This Success	Campaigns Associated with this Success
Cancellation of Projects or Practices; material success	The temporary or permanent cancellation of projects or practices.	10/14
Legislation and/or Policy Change; material success	The enactment of policy or laws that align with the campaign’s goals.	3/14 +2/14 partially
Recognition of Indigenous rights/sovereignty; material success	Formal recognition that Indigenous rights or sovereignty were/would have been violated by a project or practice.	3/14
Building new and diverse coalitions; immaterial success	Building new alliances and partnerships with other individuals, organizations, or movements that did not exist before the campaign.	4/14
Community engagement; immaterial success	A strategy that puts marginalized communities at the forefront of the movement to raise awareness, mobilize support, and foster a sense of collective agency.	5/14

Factors for successes

Factor	How the Research Team Defined this Factor	Number of Campaigns Associated with this Factor of Success	Example(s)
Coalition building	Forming diverse alliances and partnerships with other individuals, organizations, or movements that share common goals or concerns.	7/14	In the Grassy Narrows campaign, alliances with ENGOs and other partners generated a larger campaign and international media attention (Saku 2021). The Athabasca Tar Sands campaign experienced international support from coalitions of ENGOs, Indigenous groups, religious groups, and labor organizations (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014).
Community engagement	A strategy that puts marginalized communities at the forefront of the movement to raise awareness, mobilize support, and foster a sense of collective agency.	6/14	Cited as a factor for success in several campaigns including the Atlantic Coast Pipeline, GNL Quebec, and Stop Cop City (Dominion Energy 2020; Marie-Ève Maillé, Baba, and Marcotte 2023; Liberty Hill Foundation 2023).
Procedural Delays and Disruptions	Delays or disruptions in legal or regulatory processes that lead to reduced viability for the project/practice.	4/14	The Keystone and Atlantic Coast pipeline projects suffered direct interruptions and delays, giving time to change public opinion and reducing economic viability (Hamilton 2016; Dominion Energy 2020).
Mass Mobilization	Organized effort to involve individuals and groups in supporting the movement’s cause, generating collective action.	3/14
Science-based Research	Using scientific data and research to support its claims and influence key decision-makers.	2/14
Legal Expertise	Profound understanding of zoning, land use, and regulations, guided by expert support, crucial for navigating complexities and advancing movement goals.	1/14
Direct Action	A gathering of people with a common goal to disrupt “business-as-usual” through direct physical action. The goal is to express dissent, raise awareness, and pressure those in power to address their concerns.	1/14	Mi’kmaq resistance’s blockades impeded company access to equipment (Crosby and Monaghan 2018). While direct action is only explicitly cited as a factor for success once, it is important to note that all campaigns engaged in direct action.

Summary of results and key research findings

Researchers key themes for successful campaigns/movements

Direct action: most commonly used to successfully overcome government opposition and police repression.
Legal action and political pressure: most effective for procedural delays, reducing the economic viability of projects, and sometimes, for facilitating the recognition of Indigenous rights and sovereignty.
Coalition building : both a strategy and a success, leading to new campaigns and/or activist groups, and providing more perspectives and knowledge.
- - When facing police repression, it is important to strengthen the coalition to support activists and communities more at risk of experiencing direct criminalization or police violence, and to uplift marginalized voices.
Community engagement: both a strategy and a success, fostering collaboration, strong community support and diverse campaigns that engage a wide variety of people.
Communication and raising public awareness: both a strategy and a success, increasing support for the campaign and lowering acceptability of the target.
- - Reverend Keyanna Jones explains how educating people within the movement about the intersectionality of an issue aided the mobilization of individuals: "This is what we are fighting so hard for, not only for this land, we're fighting for our community, we're fighting for our bond, we're fighting for this thing that brings us together, but also keeps us alive, keeps us going and gives us a greater quality of life" (2023).

The researchers also concluded that a diversity of actors, strategies, and tactics contribute to the effectiveness of a successful intersectional campaign.

Direct action, community engagement and building strong, large, and diverse coalitions seem to be the most effective strategies, and the best strategies for overcoming challenges.

HUB team takeaways for key factors supporting the success of campaigns/movements

Connecting and engaging directly with community members (e.g. canvassing, potlucks etc) to mobilize deeper.

Relating to issues concerning community members (i.e. rather than a blanket 'stop climate change', campaigns addressed a specific project, proposal or law impacting locals).

Strategic alliances between the grassroots and NGOs help; both offer strengths that, together, create a stronger force (e.g. the grassroots holds impactful direct actions and connects with the community, NGOs support with things like legal cases, media support, lobbying etc).

More to come!

HUB team observations for additional lessons for activists

For environmentalists that do not understand how Indigenous sovereignty and police violence relate to the climate crisis, there are 2 critical points to emphasize:

1) How structural racism and ongoing settler colonialism impact historic and ongoing climate justice campaigns, specifically on Indigenous Land defenders. Schneidel et al. (2020) showed that the degree of criminalization, physical violence, and assassinations during environmental campaigns significantly increases when Indigenous people are involved.

2) Almost every climate justice campaign that has had success in the last 20 years across Turtle Island has been initiated and led by impacted Indigenous communities.