How we Win! Summary of findings on successful climate justice campaigns in North America: Difference between revisions
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<div class="speechify-ipvczq">''Suggestion: look for campaigns that most resonate with an issue near you, a campaign you're working on etc. Are their tactics that haven't yet been applied in your context?'' | <div class="speechify-ipvczq">''Suggestion: look for campaigns that most resonate with an issue near you, a campaign you're working on etc. Are their tactics that haven't yet been applied in your context?'' | ||
'''' | '''' | ||
''''''Success’ was defined as ''having achieved material gains, or advancements in physical, financial, legal, or electoral conditions. '''<span class="speechify-1pieqac"></span> | |||
*<span class="speechify-1pieqac">14 successful intersectional </span>climate justice campaigns from Mexico, the so-called United States and so-called Canada were explored to respond to the research question. | |||
*12 directly addressed racial justice, 11 addressed Indigenous rights, 8 tackled health and/or water justice, 3 addressed housing justice, 2 tackled disability justice and 1 addressed food justice. | |||
*Almost all of those explored were started by local, directly impacted Indigenous communities. The majority set to stop activities before they began (when projects were first proposed). | |||
*Length of campaign activities ranged from 6 months to over 50 years (Global Nonviolent Action Database, 2023). Half of the campaigns explored are still ongoing. | |||
The campaigns explored were: | |||
=== Stand LA (US) === | === Stand LA (US) === | ||
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=== 13 Pueblos (Mexico) === | === 13 Pueblos (Mexico) === | ||
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| style="width: 166.766px; height: 16px; background-color: #99e1d9;" | '''Summary of groups and project''' | | style="width: 166.766px; height: 16px; background-color: #99e1d9;" | '''Summary of groups and project''' | ||
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*The Movement of the 13 pueblos started in 2006 to cancel the development plans for the La <span class="s1">Ciénega</span> housing units around the area of the Chihuahuita spring in Morelos, Mexico (Arnaut 2010). There was no prior consultation or proper Environmental Impact Assessment for this project (Navarro 2007). | *The Movement of the 13 pueblos started in 2006 to cancel the development plans for the La <span class="s1">Ciénega</span> housing units around the area of the Chihuahuita spring in Morelos, Mexico (Arnaut 2010). There was no prior consultation or proper Environmental Impact Assessment for this project (Navarro 2007). | ||
*The 13 pueblos involved were Tepetzingo, Tetecalita, Temimilcingo, Acamilpa, Pueblo Nuevo, Tlaltizapan, Huatecalco, El Mirador, Benito Juárez, Tetelpa, Santa Rosa Treinta, San Miguel Treinta, and Xoxocotla (Velazco 2018). Most pueblos were made up of Indigenous communities, and campesinos or farmers. | *The 13 pueblos involved were Tepetzingo, Tetecalita, Temimilcingo, Acamilpa, Pueblo Nuevo, Tlaltizapan, Huatecalco, El Mirador, Benito Juárez, Tetelpa, Santa Rosa Treinta, San Miguel Treinta, and Xoxocotla (Velazco 2018). Most pueblos were made up of Indigenous communities, and campesinos or farmers. | ||
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| style="width: 166.766px; height: 57px; background-color: #99e1d9;" | '''Summary of resistance''' | | style="width: 166.766px; height: 57px; background-color: #99e1d9;" | '''Summary of resistance''' | ||
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*The 13 pueblos came together to resist the construction plans and advocate for their land sovereignty and water access (Navarro 2007). This was possible due to the creation of the consejo de los pueblos or the council of the pueblos. Here, members from each pueblo met every Sunday to learn about each other’s concerns, devise their strategies, and find alternative solutions without government authority (Tabone 2008, 00:20:40). No association with government parties was allowed (Tabone 2008, 00:23:20). | *The 13 pueblos came together to resist the construction plans and advocate for their land sovereignty and water access (Navarro 2007). This was possible due to the creation of the consejo de los pueblos or the council of the pueblos. Here, members from each pueblo met every Sunday to learn about each other’s concerns, devise their strategies, and find alternative solutions without government authority (Tabone 2008, 00:20:40). No association with government parties was allowed (Tabone 2008, 00:23:20). | ||
*For three years, they protested, organized blockades, and counter-reports despite strong government opposition and police brutality (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:53:10). | *For three years, they protested, organized blockades, and counter-reports despite strong government opposition and police brutality (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:53:10). | ||
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| style="width: 166.766px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Major challenges faced ''' | | style="width: 166.766px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Major challenges faced ''' | ||
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*At the Jojutla-Cuernavaca toll booth on June 4th, 2007,\ several people were injured and arrested (Navarro 2007; Velazco 2018). The people of the 13 pueblos were often tear-gassed by police forces, bribed, and some individuals received death threats (Tabone 2008, 00:34:30). | *At the Jojutla-Cuernavaca toll booth on June 4th, 2007,\ several people were injured and arrested (Navarro 2007; Velazco 2018). The people of the 13 pueblos were often tear-gassed by police forces, bribed, and some individuals received death threats (Tabone 2008, 00:34:30). | ||
*<p class="p1">They had to fight opposing narratives from the government and Conagua, Mexico’s National Water Commission, that falsely claimed there was sufficient water for the construction of the housing units (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:32:40). </p> | *<p class="p1">They had to fight opposing narratives from the government and Conagua, Mexico’s National Water Commission, that falsely claimed there was sufficient water for the construction of the housing units (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:32:40). </p> | ||
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| style="width: 166px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Major challenges faced ''' | | style="width: 166px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Major challenges faced ''' | ||
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*The mobilization has faced a major challenge: both the owner and the judge of the project’s feasibility, the Canadian government, is in a favorable position to impose the expansion project and issue construction permits. This poses ethical questions of the democratic processes behind this economically unviable, destructive project. | *The mobilization has faced a major challenge: both the owner and the judge of the project’s feasibility, the Canadian government, is in a favorable position to impose the expansion project and issue construction permits. This poses ethical questions of the democratic processes behind this economically unviable, destructive project. | ||
*Furthermore, this has also led to repressive monitoring and policing of activists, including a bill that prohibits approaching any of the construction sites (CBC 2019). Over 200 activists have been arrested for their involvement in mobilizations against TMX (Stand Earth, <span class="Apple-converted-space"></span>2023). | *Furthermore, this has also led to repressive monitoring and policing of activists, including a bill that prohibits approaching any of the construction sites (CBC 2019). Over 200 activists have been arrested for their involvement in mobilizations against TMX (Stand Earth, <span class="Apple-converted-space"></span>2023). | ||
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| style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project''' | | style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project''' | ||
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*The Atlantic Coast Pipeline was a pipeline development project proposed by Dominion Energy and<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Duke Energy in September 2013. It was designed to transport almost 42 million cubic meters of gas daily from the Utica and Marcellus gas fields in West Virginia to Virginia and North Carolina (Zullo 2016). | *The Atlantic Coast Pipeline was a pipeline development project proposed by Dominion Energy and<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Duke Energy in September 2013. It was designed to transport almost 42 million cubic meters of gas daily from the Utica and Marcellus gas fields in West Virginia to Virginia and North Carolina (Zullo 2016). | ||
*<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The proposed project received an Environmental Impact Statement in late 2016 and aimed at starting construction in 2017, with an estimated cost of $5.1 billion (Zullo 2016). The proposed project would have disproportionately affected predominantly African American communities, as well as Indigenous communities (CBF 2023). | *<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The proposed project received an Environmental Impact Statement in late 2016 and aimed at starting construction in 2017, with an estimated cost of $5.1 billion (Zullo 2016). The proposed project would have disproportionately affected predominantly African American communities, as well as Indigenous communities (CBF 2023). | ||
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| style="width: 166px; height: 57px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of resistance''' | | style="width: 166px; height: 57px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of resistance''' | ||
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*Environmental organizations, grassroots groups founded by residents and landowners, and a legal organization (the Southern Environmental Law Centre) converged in voicing public opinion and instigating legal battles against the pipeline. These mobilizations included, but were not limited to: signs on homes, marches, letters to relevant authorities, legal actions, public meetings, and non-violent actions. | *Environmental organizations, grassroots groups founded by residents and landowners, and a legal organization (the Southern Environmental Law Centre) converged in voicing public opinion and instigating legal battles against the pipeline. These mobilizations included, but were not limited to: signs on homes, marches, letters to relevant authorities, legal actions, public meetings, and non-violent actions. | ||
*<span class="Apple-converted-space">A coalition of environmental, conservation, and public advocacy groups signed a letter demanding that rigorous environmental assessment be conducted, citing pipeline engineers and environmental specialists that had stated the inappropriateness of the project (Southern Environmental Law Centre 2021).</span> | *<span class="Apple-converted-space">A coalition of environmental, conservation, and public advocacy groups signed a letter demanding that rigorous environmental assessment be conducted, citing pipeline engineers and environmental specialists that had stated the inappropriateness of the project (Southern Environmental Law Centre 2021).</span> | ||
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| style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project and groups''' | | style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project and groups''' | ||
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*In 2019, the state of New York adopted the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA) which commits to achieve 100% renewable energy by 2040 and at least 70% of electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030 (Pierpont and Eckel 2023, 4). | *In 2019, the state of New York adopted the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA) which commits to achieve 100% renewable energy by 2040 and at least 70% of electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030 (Pierpont and Eckel 2023, 4). | ||
*To achieve the CLCPA goals and to ensure that social and economic justice is taken into account while doing so, Public Power New York (PPNY) led a campaign that lasted for approximately 3.5 years (from late 2019 to May 2023) and aimed to pass the Build Public Renewables Act in the state budget (Dawson 2023). | *To achieve the CLCPA goals and to ensure that social and economic justice is taken into account while doing so, Public Power New York (PPNY) led a campaign that lasted for approximately 3.5 years (from late 2019 to May 2023) and aimed to pass the Build Public Renewables Act in the state budget (Dawson 2023). | ||
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*The overall strategy of the movement was to put public pressure on politicians and get as many people involved and concerned as possible. For instance, the coalition encouraged people to call and send emails to Governor Kathy Hochul, the politician responsible for passing the bill (PPNY n.d.d). They organized public events to educate the larger public about the state of the current NY energy system, and got members of the movement campaigning for office on platforms that explicitly endorsed Public Power NY (Dawson 2023). However, the most important tactic was forming a state-wide coalition (PPNY n.d.e). | *The overall strategy of the movement was to put public pressure on politicians and get as many people involved and concerned as possible. For instance, the coalition encouraged people to call and send emails to Governor Kathy Hochul, the politician responsible for passing the bill (PPNY n.d.d). They organized public events to educate the larger public about the state of the current NY energy system, and got members of the movement campaigning for office on platforms that explicitly endorsed Public Power NY (Dawson 2023). However, the most important tactic was forming a state-wide coalition (PPNY n.d.e). | ||
*Building alliances while many politicians were opposed to the Bill proved to be difficult; involving labor unions was particularly arduous because of the worker’s skepticism of the notoriously anti-union renewable energy industry (Dawson 2023). | *Building alliances while many politicians were opposed to the Bill proved to be difficult; involving labor unions was particularly arduous because of the worker’s skepticism of the notoriously anti-union renewable energy industry (Dawson 2023). | ||
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| style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project''' | | style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project''' | ||
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*In 2009, the provincial government of New Brunswick granted Southwestern Energy Resources a permit to explore over a million hectares of land for natural gas extraction (Howe 2015, 49). | *In 2009, the provincial government of New Brunswick granted Southwestern Energy Resources a permit to explore over a million hectares of land for natural gas extraction (Howe 2015, 49). | ||
*New Brunswick citizens opposed this decision by signing many petitions and organizing protests (Howe 2015). The citizen-led opposition to fracking was not heard nor taken into account by the government and in 2013, the latter allowed South Western Energy Resources and Irving Oil to conduct exploration for and extraction of natural gas on unceded Mi'kma'ki territory (Dahm 2014). | *New Brunswick citizens opposed this decision by signing many petitions and organizing protests (Howe 2015). The citizen-led opposition to fracking was not heard nor taken into account by the government and in 2013, the latter allowed South Western Energy Resources and Irving Oil to conduct exploration for and extraction of natural gas on unceded Mi'kma'ki territory (Dahm 2014). | ||
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| style="width: 166px; height: 57px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of resistance''' | | style="width: 166px; height: 57px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of resistance''' | ||
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*The Elsipogtog First Nation was opposed to the project because it was hazardous to their lands and waters. On June 5<span class="s1"><sup>th</sup></span> 2013, South Western Energy Resources started to do seismic testing which led the Mi’kmaq of New Brunswick and their allies to start protesting against the project (Dahm 2014).<br> | *The Elsipogtog First Nation was opposed to the project because it was hazardous to their lands and waters. On June 5<span class="s1"><sup>th</sup></span> 2013, South Western Energy Resources started to do seismic testing which led the Mi’kmaq of New Brunswick and their allies to start protesting against the project (Dahm 2014).<br> | ||
*<p class="p1">The Mi’kmaq Warrior Society played a large role in organizing blockades and resisting police repression (Warrior Publications n.d.). This campaign was thus Indigenous-led, but it also received support from other Indigenous groups and settler allies (Howe 2015; Crosby and Monaghan 2018). The Indigenous-led organization IDLE No More called for a national day of solidarity protest on December 2<span class="s1"><sup>nd</sup></span> (Dahm 2014).</p> | *<p class="p1">The Mi’kmaq Warrior Society played a large role in organizing blockades and resisting police repression (Warrior Publications n.d.). This campaign was thus Indigenous-led, but it also received support from other Indigenous groups and settler allies (Howe 2015; Crosby and Monaghan 2018). The Indigenous-led organization IDLE No More called for a national day of solidarity protest on December 2<span class="s1"><sup>nd</sup></span> (Dahm 2014).</p> | ||
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*There was a strong alliance between the province, the police, and the fracking companies; the state mobilized surveillance resources to stop the opposition (Crosby and Monaghan 2018; Warrior Publications 2013). The government opposition to the protesters and the strong police repression was the main challenge faced by protesters. | *There was a strong alliance between the province, the police, and the fracking companies; the state mobilized surveillance resources to stop the opposition (Crosby and Monaghan 2018; Warrior Publications 2013). The government opposition to the protesters and the strong police repression was the main challenge faced by protesters. | ||
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| style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project''' | | style="width: 166px; height: 16px; background-color: rgb(153, 225, 217);" | '''Summary of project''' | ||
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*GNL Quebec project involves the development of a 750-kilometer natural gas pipeline operated by Gazoduq, the establishment of a gas liquefaction plant managed by Énergie Saguenay, and the creation of a terminal for the export of methane using supertanker vessels in Saguenay, QC (<span class="s1">Kurdi 2020a)</span>. | *GNL Quebec project involves the development of a 750-kilometer natural gas pipeline operated by Gazoduq, the establishment of a gas liquefaction plant managed by Énergie Saguenay, and the creation of a terminal for the export of methane using supertanker vessels in Saguenay, QC (<span class="s1">Kurdi 2020a)</span>. | ||
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*The movement's inception in 2017, marked by an initial demonstration led by Innu Land and Water Protectors, set the stage for broader opposition to the GNL Quebec project. | *The movement's inception in 2017, marked by an initial demonstration led by Innu Land and Water Protectors, set the stage for broader opposition to the GNL Quebec project. | ||
*In the following years, efforts were consolidated by diverse actors, including local citizens, civil society groups, environmental activists, opposition parties, and student associations, all uniting against GNL Quebec. Forming an informal coalition expanded the movement from a local to a national issue (L’Héritier 2021; Fiset 2021; Kurdi 2021; Bergamo 2021).<br> | *In the following years, efforts were consolidated by diverse actors, including local citizens, civil society groups, environmental activists, opposition parties, and student associations, all uniting against GNL Quebec. Forming an informal coalition expanded the movement from a local to a national issue (L’Héritier 2021; Fiset 2021; Kurdi 2021; Bergamo 2021).<br> | ||
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*Standing Rock protests can be traced back to Energy Transfer Partners' proposal for the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), intended to traverse sacred Indigenous lands. | *Standing Rock protests can be traced back to Energy Transfer Partners' proposal for the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), intended to traverse sacred Indigenous lands. | ||
*The campaign's primary objectives were threefold: safeguarding the Missouri River, protecting sacred lands and historical sites, and upholding the sovereignty and treaty rights of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. Central to the tribe's argument was the contention that the DAPL breached Article II of the Fort Laramie Treaty, securing the right to the peaceful and uninterrupted utilization of reservation lands (Smithsonian 2015). | *The campaign's primary objectives were threefold: safeguarding the Missouri River, protecting sacred lands and historical sites, and upholding the sovereignty and treaty rights of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. Central to the tribe's argument was the contention that the DAPL breached Article II of the Fort Laramie Treaty, securing the right to the peaceful and uninterrupted utilization of reservation lands (Smithsonian 2015). | ||
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*President Trump's memorandum in 2017 accelerated the project and there was excessive use of force by police and private military personnel during violent confrontations with protestors (Hersher 2017; Levin and Woolf 2016; Peralta 2016; Levin, Woolf, and Carrington 2016). Yet, as the US administration office changes, with President Biden now in office, there remains hope for Standing Rock protestors to be heard (Todrys 2021). | *President Trump's memorandum in 2017 accelerated the project and there was excessive use of force by police and private military personnel during violent confrontations with protestors (Hersher 2017; Levin and Woolf 2016; Peralta 2016; Levin, Woolf, and Carrington 2016). Yet, as the US administration office changes, with President Biden now in office, there remains hope for Standing Rock protestors to be heard (Todrys 2021). | ||
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=== Athabasca Tar Sands Resistance (CAN) === | === Athabasca Tar Sands Resistance (CAN) === | ||
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* The Athabasca-Chipewyan First Nation (ACFN) strongly challenged Shell’s proposed development, seeking compensation for damage already done and legal recognition of native land rights on traditional territories outside of reserves (Lim 2014). | * The Athabasca-Chipewyan First Nation (ACFN) strongly challenged Shell’s proposed development, seeking compensation for damage already done and legal recognition of native land rights on traditional territories outside of reserves (Lim 2014). | ||
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*The ACFN mounted significant legal opposition against Shell in the form of lawsuits and interventions in the regulatory process (Climate & Capitalism 2011; Narine 2015). | *The ACFN mounted significant legal opposition against Shell in the form of lawsuits and interventions in the regulatory process (Climate & Capitalism 2011; Narine 2015). | ||
*Withdrawing from consultative committees proved effective, as these committees often had little impact, and oil companies could no longer claim Indigenous consultation (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). | *Withdrawing from consultative committees proved effective, as these committees often had little impact, and oil companies could no longer claim Indigenous consultation (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). | ||
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*An identified challenge to Indigenous groups was their relatively small size, which made it easy for large multinational corporations to ignore them (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). | *An identified challenge to Indigenous groups was their relatively small size, which made it easy for large multinational corporations to ignore them (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). | ||
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*Nitaskinan60, or the Kilometer 60 campaign, is an ongoing campaign in Manawan, Québec, Canada. | *Nitaskinan60, or the Kilometer 60 campaign, is an ongoing campaign in Manawan, Québec, Canada. | ||
*On February 17th, the Dubé family, Atikamekw First Nation and land custodians in Manawan, asked the Scierie Saint-Michel to cease illegal logging in the Dubé’s ancestral maple grove (The North Star 2022). Scierie Saint-Michel refused to respect the family’s authority, ignoring both a cease and desist letter and the harmonization agreement between the Québec government and the Atikamekw Band Council (The North Star 2022). | *On February 17th, the Dubé family, Atikamekw First Nation and land custodians in Manawan, asked the Scierie Saint-Michel to cease illegal logging in the Dubé’s ancestral maple grove (The North Star 2022). Scierie Saint-Michel refused to respect the family’s authority, ignoring both a cease and desist letter and the harmonization agreement between the Québec government and the Atikamekw Band Council (The North Star 2022). | ||
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*The Dubé family and Manawan community established a blockade on the road leading into the maple grove and announced a moratorium on logging in Manawan (Richardson and Fournier 2022). The blockade started in February with the immediate goal of stopping the illegal logging and the long-term goal of Indigenous sovereignty and unity. | *The Dubé family and Manawan community established a blockade on the road leading into the maple grove and announced a moratorium on logging in Manawan (Richardson and Fournier 2022). The blockade started in February with the immediate goal of stopping the illegal logging and the long-term goal of Indigenous sovereignty and unity. | ||
*Annette Dubé-Vollant, the family’s spokesperson, stated, “‘We want to create one nation, one territory. We don't want separate territories. They [the government] have succeeded in dividing us, they have divided us for a long time. They still divide us in the community. It's the same in Wemotaci, they divide us by giving us envelopes [of money]. So that's what we're in the process of forming, a unified movement” (The North Star 2023). | *Annette Dubé-Vollant, the family’s spokesperson, stated, “‘We want to create one nation, one territory. We don't want separate territories. They [the government] have succeeded in dividing us, they have divided us for a long time. They still divide us in the community. It's the same in Wemotaci, they divide us by giving us envelopes [of money]. So that's what we're in the process of forming, a unified movement” (The North Star 2023). | ||
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| style="width: 166px; background-color: #99e1d9;" | '''Challenges faced''' | | style="width: 166px; background-color: #99e1d9;" | '''Challenges faced''' | ||
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*While campaigning, some activists expressed fear of danger to individuals, physical or legal (Josselin 2022). The greatest challenge, however, was a lack of government cooperation, forthrightness, and responsibility. | *While campaigning, some activists expressed fear of danger to individuals, physical or legal (Josselin 2022). The greatest challenge, however, was a lack of government cooperation, forthrightness, and responsibility. | ||
*<p class="p1">The Québec Ministère des Fôrets, de la Faune et des Parcs (MFFP) issued a report in May, 2022, concluding that the MFFP and Scerie Saint-Michel were both at fault (Conseil de la Nation Atikamekw 2022). However, the report neither offered reparations or compensation to the Dubé family or Manawan community nor penalized either of the responsible parties (Fournier 2022). </p> | *<p class="p1">The Québec Ministère des Fôrets, de la Faune et des Parcs (MFFP) issued a report in May, 2022, concluding that the MFFP and Scerie Saint-Michel were both at fault (Conseil de la Nation Atikamekw 2022). However, the report neither offered reparations or compensation to the Dubé family or Manawan community nor penalized either of the responsible parties (Fournier 2022). </p> | ||
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== Results and key research findings == | == Results and key research findings == |
Revision as of 17:14, 5 March 2024
This page is a work in progress! Stay tuned for more information :)
To read the full report, see the following: How We Win! A Qualitative Review of Successful Climate Justice Campaigns in North America in the Last 20 Years
Summary of the successful climate justice campaigns
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'Success’ was defined as having achieved material gains, or advancements in physical, financial, legal, or electoral conditions.
- 14 successful intersectional climate justice campaigns from Mexico, the so-called United States and so-called Canada were explored to respond to the research question.
- 12 directly addressed racial justice, 11 addressed Indigenous rights, 8 tackled health and/or water justice, 3 addressed housing justice, 2 tackled disability justice and 1 addressed food justice.
- Almost all of those explored were started by local, directly impacted Indigenous communities. The majority set to stop activities before they began (when projects were first proposed).
- Length of campaign activities ranged from 6 months to over 50 years (Global Nonviolent Action Database, 2023). Half of the campaigns explored are still ongoing.
The campaigns explored were:
Stand LA (US)
Summary of group |
Founded in 2013, Stand-LA formed to halt oil drilling in residential areas in Los Angeles. Their campaigns address environmentally and health hazardous projects that impact marginalized communities. The movement uses coalition-building, community engagement, science-based research, effective communication, legal expertise, and political pressure. [1] |
“For us [...] it's a justice issue. And it's also an equity issue. If there is a universal good, we have to start with the most vulnerable, because equity never ever trickles down. It has to start from the bottom”. |
'People Not Pozos' (People not wells) campaign |
Targeted AllenCo drilling site was polluting a low-income, minority community. This had negative health impacts on residents (Cavallaro 2022). Organizing tactics against the site included:
SUCCESS: Senator Boxer called on the Environmental Protection Agency to perform an investigation, and the AllenCo site shut down. |
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'No Drilling Where We Are Living' campaign |
Following their success, the STAND-L.A. coalition formalized. Some key factors lead to several more successes:
SUCCESSES: |
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Major challenges faced by STAND-LA |
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Stop Cop City (US)
Summary of campaign and project |
Stop Cop City began in 2017 in response to the city of Atlanta's plan to build the biggest police and firefighter training facility in the country. The majority of the funding is expected to come from taxpayers, despite no public consultation on the project.
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“Whether the win comes through the ballot, in the courts or in the streets, Cop City must never be built” |
Summary of resistance |
After the project was announced, the Atlanta City Council solicited a session of public feedback that was attended by over a thousand people and lasted over 17 hours. The majority of people were against the project, but the council still ended up voting in favor of leasing the land to this police facility (Sydow 2023). Organizing tactics included:
SUCCESS:
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Major challenges faced by Stop Cop City |
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Keystone XL Pipeline (US/CAN)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
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Grassy Narrows (CAN)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
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#RightToBreathe/PES (US)
Summary of group and project |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
Philly Thrive continues to organize for environmental justice with their campaigns and is now advocating for their “RightToThrive” and mobilizing efforts to repair and clean up 154 years of violence and pollution in their communities (Brockmeier 2021; Philly Thrive). |
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13 Pueblos (Mexico)
Summary of groups and project |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
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Major challenges faced |
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Trans Mountain Expansion Pipeline (CAN)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
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Major challenges faced |
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Atlantic Coast Pipeline (US)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
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Public Power New York (US)
Summary of project and groups |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
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Mi’kmaq Resistance (CAN)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
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Challenges faces |
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GNL Quebec (CAN)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
Tactics:
SUCCESS:
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Standing Rock (US)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
Tactics:
SUCCESS:
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Challenges faced |
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Athabasca Tar Sands Resistance (CAN)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
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Challenges faced |
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Nitaskinan60 (CAN)
Summary of project |
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Summary of resistance |
SUCCESS:
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Challenges faced |
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Results and key research findings
Researchers key themes for successful campaigns/movements
- Direct action: most commonly used to successfully overcome government opposition and police repression.
- Legal action and political pressure: most effective for procedural delays, reducing the economic viability of projects, and sometimes, for facilitating the recognition of Indigenous rights and sovereignty.
- Coalition building : both a strategy and a success, leading to new campaigns and/or activist groups, and providing more perspectives and knowledge.
- Community engagement: both a strategy and a success, fostering collaboration, strong community support and diverse campaigns that engage a wide variety of people.
The researchers concluded that a diversity of actors, strategies, and tactics contribute to the effectiveness of a successful intersectional campaign. Direct action, community engagement and building strong, large, and diverse coalitions seem to be the most effective strategies.
HUB team observations of key tactics supporting the success of campaigns/movements
HUB team observations for additional lessons for activists
(To come)!
If you have corrections or additional resources to share with us related to this content, you can contact kenzie@lehub.ca.