This page is a work in progress! Stay tuned for more information :)
How we win was a 2023 research project supervised by Dr. Jen Gobby, and conducted by McGill students Cassandra Ciafro, Anna Henry, Frida Sofia Morales Mora, Thomas Nakasako, Dafne Ozcan,Nico Serreqi and Lea Vadez Reyes. It investigates the following question: What can be learned from the struggles and successes of intersectional climate campaigns across Turtle Island (North America) over the past 20 years, and what factors contribute to the success of these campaigns? This page includes a summary of the campaigns/movements included in the report and the tactics used, key factors that contributed to the success of multiple campaigns/movements, HUB team observations and suggestions based on key takeaways, plus key quotes from interviews and surveys with successful activists/organizers for more specific suggestions and examples.
'Success’ was defined as having achieved material gains, or advancements in physical, financial, legal, or electoral conditions.
14 successful intersectional climate justice campaigns from Mexico, the so-called United States and so-called Canada were explored to respond to the research question.
12 directly addressed racial justice, 11 addressed Indigenous rights, 8 tackled health and/or water justice, 3 addressed housing justice, 2 tackled disability justice and 1 addressed food justice.
Almost all of those explored were started by local, directly impacted Indigenous communities. The majority set to stop activities before they began (when projects were first proposed).
Length of campaign activities ranged from 6 months to over 50 years (Global Nonviolent Action Database, 2023). Half of the campaigns explored are still ongoing.
The successes of the campaigns included in the study included:
How the Research Team Defined This Success
Campaigns Associated with this Success
Cancellation of Projects or Practices; material success
The temporary or permanent cancellation of projects or practices.
10/14
Legislation and/or Policy Change; material success
The enactment of policy or laws that align with the campaign’s goals.
3/14 +2/14 partially
Recognition of Indigenous rights/sovereignty; material success
Formal recognition that Indigenous rights or sovereignty were/would have been violated by a project or practice.
3/14
Building new and diverse coalitions; immaterial success
Building new alliances and partnerships with other individuals, organizations, or movements that did not exist before the campaign.
4/14
Community engagement; immaterial success
A strategy that puts marginalized communities at the forefront of the movement to raise awareness, mobilize support, and foster a sense of collective agency.
5/14
Climate justice campaigns
Suggestion: look for campaigns that most resonate with an issue near you, a campaign you're working on etc. Are there tactics that haven't yet been applied in your context?
Stand LA (US)
“For us [...] it's a justice issue. And it's also an equity issue. If there is a universal good, we have to start with the most vulnerable, because equity never ever trickles down. It has to start from the bottom”.
Summary of group
Founded in 2013, Stand-LA formed to halt oil drilling in residential areas in Los Angeles. Their campaigns address environmentally and health hazardous projects that impact marginalized communities. [1]
'People Not Pozos' (People not wells) campaign
Targeted AllenCo drilling site was polluting a low-income, minority community. This had negative health impacts on residents (Cavallaro 2022).
Organizing tactics:
Door-knocking to gather data on the various symptoms experienced by residents, followed by making a health report (Andrade et al. 2017)
Making an art piece of eight styrofoam heads, each suffering from one of the symptoms caused by the drill site pollution.
Organizing a community call-in campaign to the Air Quality Management District (AQMD)
Conducting a press conference. This got the attention of Senator Barbara Boxer, the federal head of the environmental committee.
SUCCESS: Senator Boxer called on the Environmental Protection Agency to perform an investigation, and the AllenCo site shut down. Following their success, the STAND-L.A. coalition formalized.
'No Drilling Where We Are Living' campaign
Organizing tactics:
Coalition building and community engagement: Extensive outreach efforts increased participation. These efforts also strengthened the influence of residents (Liberty Hill Foundation 2023).
Science-based evidence: In 2015, AQMD modified the law. It mandated fossil fuel extraction sites to disclose their chemicals. Activists found that each chemical caused the symptoms they identified in their door-knocking. This strengthened their arguments when communicating the problem (Halpern Ibrahim Interview 2023).
SUCCESSES:
E&B Natural Resources electrified and enclosed the Murphy drill site to keep toxic fumes out of nearby homes and reduce pollution.
Won a resolution prohibiting new oil drilling in the Inglewood oil field (Liberty Hill Foundation 2023; Stone 2023).
Influenced legislative changes. For example, Senate Bill 1137 bans new oil and gas wells within 3,200 feet of sensitive areas. It has contributed to significant oil phaseout resolutions in Los Angeles, both at the city and county levels (Gross 2022; Stone 2023).
Major challenges faced by STAND-LA
Oil lobbying to oppose legislative measures
Reports the oil industry is employing canvassers to use misleading tactics when gathering signatures to qualify the referendum for ballots (Gross 2022).
Stop Cop City (US)
“Whether the win comes through the ballot, in the courts or in the streets, Cop City must never be built”
Summary of campaign and project
Stop Cop City began in 2017 in response to the city of Atlanta's plan to build the biggest police and firefighter training facility in the country.
Economic: The majority of the funding is expected to come from taxpayers, despite no public consultation on the project.
Environment: The proposed site is the Weelanee forest (Bethea 2023). It comprises the South River, one of the most endangered rivers in the United States due to sewage pollution.
Indigenous sovereignty: The land belonged to the Muscogee Creek Nation before they were displaced (Bethea 2022).
Racism: The land was the site of a low-security prison farm. Accounts of torture and violence against black inmates were recorded (Bethea 2022).
Today, the forest serves as an important green space for the residents of the predominantly Black surrounding neighborhoods (Mock 2023).
Settler colonialism: Officers trained at the facility will not only target predominantly BIPOC communities in the USA; their exchange program will also train members of the Israeli Defense Forces [2]
Summary of resistance
After the project was announced, the Atlanta City Council solicited a session of public feedback. Over 1000 people attended and it lasted over 17 hours. The majority of people were against the project. (Sydow 2023).
Organizing tactics:
Weekly safe space events by community members in the Welanee forest, such as potlucks, reading groups, and teach-ins. The goal was for people across Atlanta to learn about the issue, and connect with the forest.
Direct action in the form of protests all over the city to spread awareness.
A ballot referendum campaign to allow constituents to vote on the issue.
Door-knocking/canvassing in various neighborhoods to educate on the issue and collect signatures.
Community outreach via postering, zines
Media engagement i.e. press conferences, alternative media coverage.
SUCCESS:
DeKalb County, being an unincorporated borough of Atlanta, barred its residents from participating in the voting or signature collection process for the referendum. Four county residents took legal action with a lawsuit against the City of Atlanta. They won the right for DeKalb residents to both collect signatures and initiate a new 60-day countdown (Sydow 2023).
Activists needed 58,000 signatures from registered voters in 60-day timeframe. They gathered over 116,000 signatures (Franzen 2023).
Major challenges faced by Stop Cop City
Police violence has been a major challenge throughout the campaign. During a protest, activist Manuel Terán (“Tortuguita”) was shot fourteen times by Georgia state troopers (Goldberg 2023).
Many protesters have been arrested and charged for racketeering and domestic terrorism (Rico 2023).
Most recently in November 2023, the coalition planned a peaceful protest and tree planting in the forest, but they were met with physical resistance and tear gassed by the police.
At the time of writing the report, the government was delaying the signature approval process. Cop City may not be included on the ballot.
Keystone XL Pipeline (US/CAN)
Summary of project
Proposed in 2008 by TC Energy, the Keystone XL pipeline extension was designed to increase the transport of crude oil from Alberta’s tar sands to refineries on the Gulf Coast of Texas (Denchak and Lindwall 2022). The pipeline extension project would transport crude oil per day across the Canada-U.S. border.
The pipeline would have affected Indigenous communities in Montana and South Dakota (Lindwall 2021). The proposed path was altered to not cross Indigenous reservations but still risked multiple Indigenous lands and important sources for drinking water. E.g. the Ogallala Aquifer serves as the main water source for millions of people (Adler 2015).
Summary of resistance
Organizing tactics:
Coalition building: Many grassroots activists, including Indigenous communities and environmentalists, were involved before larger organizers, such as 350.org (Adler 2015). They aided in the organizing of the initial coalition, consisting of national environmental organizations including the Natural Resource Defense Council (NRDC), the Sierra Club, and First Nations and Native American activist groups such as Idle No More and local landowners (Adler 2015).
Legal petitions
Civil resistance and protest along the construction route/in Washington
SUCCESS:
An initial win for campaigners came in 2015: President Obama rejected a cross-border permit for Keystone XL after years of large acts of civil disobedience and protest (Henn 2021).
NRDC and their partners legal petitions effectively delayed the completion of the project (National Resource Defense Council 2021).
Finally, the project was fully put to an end in 2021, as the newly elected Biden administration rescinded a permit for the KXL pipeline, effectively killing it (Engelfried 2021).
Grassy Narrows (CAN)
Summary of project
Asubpeeschoseewagong Netum Anishinabek community members of the Ojibwe First Nations Reserve in Grassy Narrows have faced unregulatedmercury pollution in the Wabigoon River.
Environmental racism: In the 1960s, Dryden Paper Company Ltd. dumped 9,000 kg of untreated mercury into the English-Wabigoon river system, upstream from Grassy Narrows and Whitedog First Nations.
Food sovereignty: The Canadian Government banned the consumption of fish from the local river system. Community members still remained reliant on the fish as a diet staple, and the resulting mercury poisoning has devastated the health of the community (Anderson 2020).
Poverty: 60% of Grassy Narrows and Whitedog’s inhabitants had lost their jobs from the fish ban and were placed on welfare (Charlebois 1978, 205).
Health: Many community members were diagnosed with Minamata Disease. The most common symptoms are sensory disturbances, poor muscle control (ataxia) and tunnel vision. Researchers also found evidence of Congenital Minamata Disease, which has resulted in cerebral palsy and intellectual development delays.
Summary of resistance
Grassy Narrows continued to demand fair compensation for mercury poisoning, which had been impacting 90% of the population, and ending all logging and mining plans in the area.
Organizing tactics:
Letter-writing campaigns
Hunger strikes
Blockades
Yearly protests and marches (Saku 2021; Gilson 2019)
Formation of alliances with environmental NGOs like Rainforest Action Network (RAN) and other grassroots organizers (Saku 2021, 28).
Solidarity and support of non-Indigenous grassroots organizers can be crucial when it comes to funding, direct action, media relations and legal advocacy, evident through RAN’s support during the 2004 blockade.
SUCCESS:
In 2017, the Ontario government pledged $85 million towards cleaning up the industrial mercury contamination in the Wabigoon River almost 50 years after the pollution had been identified (Porter 2017).
By 2021, the Liberal Government agreed to spend $90 million to build and operate the much needed public infrastructure to support those suffering from Minamata Disease.
Note: In 2023, the specialized infrastructure project failed to be granted any funding by the Government, citing soaring costs.
The 2016 Southport Campaign set out to stop Philadelphia Energy Solutions (PES) oil refinery expansion (Xiao, 2017). PES was the second largest oil refinery in the United States (Xiao 2017).
The PES refinery was responsible for over 50% of Philadelphia’s toxic air emissions (ecoAmerica 2021). This is one of the main reasons for the high rates of asthma, cancer, and other respiratory problems amongst Philadelphians (Philly Thrive 2017).
The residents who were at higher exposure from the pollution were low-income people of colour (Philly Thrive 2016a).
Summary of resistance
Philly Thrive, an organization led by Black, disabled, and chronically ill activists was a main organizer for the #RightToBreathe campaign (Brockmeier 2022).
Organizing tactics:
Teach-ins and community outreach; Philly Thrive collaborated with ACTION united to mobilize community members to demand their “Right to Breathe” (Philly Thrive 2016b) in 2016. This coincided with “Break Free 2016,” a wave of resistance to fossil fuels infrastructure by activists across the globe (Philly Thrive 2016b).
Social media and hopeful imagery: Throughout the campaign the hashtag #RightToBreathe was used across social media channels, and the image of sunflowers, symbolizing the belief in “a better future for Philadelphia with clean air, healthy families and a green economy,” were seen during protests (Philly Thrive 2016b).
Working groups: Momentum was maintained throughout the campaign due to the organization of small working groups (ecoAmerica 2021).
Direct actions and storytelling: More protests and take-overs were planned, including a “Toxic Tour” of the oil refinery on July 26th led by Philly Thrive,ACTION United, LeftRoots, and Global Grassroots Justice Alliance (Philly Thrive 2016c). At this event, frontline activists shared global and local personal stories of how they have been impacted by the fossil fuel economies (Philly Thrive 2016c).
SUCCESS:
Victory was declared in December when the expansion plans were officially canceled (Thompson 2016).
Despite the cancellations, Philly Thrive continued with advocacy and mobilization of more campaigns until PES refinery went bankrupt in 2018 and finally shut down in 2019 after a series of explosions (Hanley 2020).
Philly Thrive continues to organize for environmental justice with their campaigns. They are now advocating for their “RightToThrive”, to repair and clean up 154 years of violence and pollution in their communities (Brockmeier 2021; Philly Thrive).
13 Pueblos (Mexico)
Summary of project
13 pueblos started in 2006 to cancel the development of the La Ciénega housing units, around the area of the Chihuahuita spring in Morelos, Mexico (Arnaut 2010). There was no prior consultation or Environmental Impact Assessment (Navarro 2007).
The infrastructure to deliver water from the Chihuahuita spring had been donated by President Lázaro Cárdenas, to provide water to Xoxocotla and the neighboring pueblos in 1934 (Arnaut 2010). The communities had been struggling from a lack of water access throughout the Mexican Revolution, due to hoarding and misuse for the production of sugar cane (Arnaut 2010).
Access to water was threatened by the La Ciénega housing units, as their planned locations were in the water replenishment areas of the spring (Arnaut 2010).
Summary of resistance
The 13 pueblos involved were Tepetzingo, Tetecalita, Temimilcingo, Acamilpa, Pueblo Nuevo, Tlaltizapan, Huatecalco, El Mirador, Benito Juárez, Tetelpa, Santa Rosa Treinta, San Miguel Treinta, and Xoxocotla (Velazco 2018). Most pueblos were made up of Indigenous communities, and campesinos or farmers. They came together to advocate for their land sovereignty and water access (Navarro 2007).
Organizing tactics:
Development of a council: The council of the pueblos was created for members from each pueblo to meet every Sunday. They exchanged about one another’s concerns, devised their strategies, and found alternative solutions without government authority (Tabone 2008, 00:20:40).
Blockades and protests: For three years, they protested, organized blockades, and counter-reports despite strong government opposition and police brutality (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:53:10).
Convening and a manifesto: 153 Indigenous leaders from so-called Canada, the US, Peru, and other counties in Latin America came together in Xochicalco for the Council of the 13 pueblos and the presentation of their manifesto (Rincón 2023 and Tabone 2008, 00:16:00).
The manifesto was made in defense of the land, air, and water, and it outlined the current crisis and visions for the future (Pueblos de Morelos 2007; Casiba 2007, 1:08). It also accused the government and corporations of labeling the areas as “unproductive” to justify construction plans despite the presence of Indigenous and farmer communities (Pueblos de Morelos 2007).
Legal action: In 2008, a court case was presented in the Latin American Water Court where CEAMA (the State Water and Environment Commission) and Conagua were blamed for having authorized construction permits without proper assessment and not taking into account the needs of the surrounding communities (Rincón 2023).
SUCCESS:
In 2009, three years after the movement's conception, the project plans were canceled and the area within a 100 meter radius of the Chihuahuita spring was protected(Rincón 2023).
Major challenges faced
Several people were injured and arrested (Navarro 2007; Velazco 2018). The people of the 13 pueblos were often tear-gassed by police forces, bribed, and some individuals received death threats (Tabone 2008, 00:34:30).
They had to fight opposing narratives from the government and Conagua, Mexico’s National Water Commission, that falsely claimed there was sufficient water for the construction of the housing units (Navarro 2007; Tabone 2008, 00:32:40).
Trans Mountain Expansion Pipeline (CAN)
Summary of project
The Trans Mountain Expansion project (TMX) aims to construct a second pipeline, approximately parallel to the current trans-mountain pipeline that transports crude oil from Edmonton to the coast of British Columbia. The project would triple it's capacity (Trans Mountain 2016).
First proposed by Kinder Morgan in 2013, with an estimated price of $5 billion. The Canadian federal government purchased the pipeline in 2018 after significant resistance and price increases.
The price tag for the project has increased to over $30 billion today. A net cost that will be passed on to taxpayers (Cunningham 2020).
The project lacks proper consultation for free, prior, and informed consent by Indigenous peoples.
Construction causes violence towards women and children due to aggressions from “man camps” that are created to work at these sites (Cunningham 2020).
Summary of resistance
Organizing tactics:
Blockades: Direct action through blocking the pipeline construction has been supported by many academics, activists, and environmental organizations, and was initiated by local Indigenous land defenders. The Tiny House Warriors of the Secwépemc nation, was created as a camp to inhabit areas to be developed and physically resist the project (Cunningham 2020).
Win remains partial: Despite increasing public opposition, increased costs, countless delays, financial problems, and difficulties finding banks or insurers to host the project, its construction has not been halted. It is set to begin operations in 2024 (Cunningham, 2020).
Major challenges faced
Both the owner and the judge of the project’s feasibility, the Canadian government, is in a favorable position to impose the expansion project and issue construction permits. This poses ethical questions of the democratic processes behind the project.
There has been monitoring and policing of activists, including a bill that prohibits approaching any of the construction sites (CBC 2019).
Over 200 activists have been arrested for their involvement in mobilizations against TMX (Stand Earth, 2023).
Atlantic Coast Pipeline (US)
Summary of project
The Atlantic Coast Pipeline was proposed by Dominion Energy andDuke Energy in 2013. It was designed to transport gas daily from the Utica and Marcellus gas fields in West Virginia to Virginia and North Carolina (Zullo 2016).
The proposed project received an Environmental Impact Statement in 2016 and aimed at starting construction in 2017, with an estimated cost of $5.1 billion (Zullo 2016).
The proposed project would have disproportionately affected African American communities and Indigenous communities (CBF 2023).
Summary of resistance
Organizing tactics:
Coalition building and legal action: Environmental organizations, grassroots groups of residents and landowners, and a legal organization (the Southern Environmental Law Centre) converged in instigating legal battles against the pipeline.
A coalition of environmental, conservation, and public advocacy groups signed a letter demanding that rigorous environmental assessment be conducted, citing pipeline engineers and environmental specialists (Southern Environmental Law Centre 2021).
Direct action: The coalitions mobilization strategies included but were not limited to: signs on homes, marches, letters to relevant authorities, public meetings, and non-violent actions.
SUCCESS:
A significant legal win was the recognition of the impacts on the Appalachian Trail. As a part of the National Parks System, the United States Forest service did not have the authority to issue construction permits (Appalachian Voices 2023; CBF 2023).
In July 2020, Dominion Energy and Duke Energy announced the cancellation of the pipeline, citing ongoing delays,the COVID-19 pandemic, legal uncertainty, and increasing costs of construction (Dominion Energy 2020).
Public Power New York (US)
Summary of project and campaign
In 2019, the state of New York adopted the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA) which commits to 100% renewable energy by 2040 and at least 70% of electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030 (Pierpont and Eckel 2023, 4).
Public Power New York (PPNY) led a campaign that lasted for 3.5 years. They aimed to pass the Build Public Renewables Act in the state budget (Dawson 2023). The Build Public Renewables Act will require the New York Power Authority (NYPA) to not only provide fully renewable energy to citizens by 2040, but also to ensure that economic, social, and racial justice are considered.
The bill will ensure that energy jobs have high labor standards (Pierpont and Eckel 2023, 5), and that the transition to renewable energy is led by the public sector.
The bill will also ensure that the most polluting oil and gas plants, located mainly in low-income communities of color, will be shut down by 2030, and that energy is affordable for lower income communities (PPNY n.d.b).
Summary of resistance
Organizing tactics:
Political organizing: The coalition encouraged people to call and send emails to Governor Kathy Hochul, the politician responsible for passing the bill (PPNY n.d.d). They got members of the movement campaigning for office on platforms that endorsed Public Power NY (Dawson 2023).
Public education: Public events educated the larger public about the state of the current NY energy system.
Coalition building: The most important tactic; the PPNY grassroots coalition brings together more than 20 environmental justice organizations, labor unions, and thousands of volunteers (PPNY n.d.e.). The coalition pays serious attention to racial and economic justice in the fight for renewable energy (PPNY n.d.a).
Involving labor unions was notably difficult because of the worker’s skepticism of the notoriously anti-union renewable energy industry (Dawson 2023).
SUCCESS:
After nearly four years of campaigning, PPNY successfully achieved its goal when the New York State legislature decided to pass the Build Public Renewables Act in May 2023 and allocate a budget to the NYPA that would allow for its effective implementation (PPNY n.d.c).
Mi’kmaq Resistance (CAN)
Summary of project
In 2009, New Brunswick granted Southwestern Energy Resources a permit to explore over a million hectares of land for natural gas extraction (Howe 2015, 49).
New Brunswick citizens opposed this decision by signing many petitions and organizing protests (Howe 2015). The citizen-led opposition to fracking was not heard nor taken into account by the government.
In 2013, South Western Energy Resources and Irving Oil were allowed to conduct exploration for, and extraction of, natural gas on unceded Mi'kma'ki territory (Dahm 2014).
The Elsipogtog First Nation was opposed to the project because it was hazardous to their lands and waters.
Summary of resistance
Organizing tactics:
Blockades: The Mi’kmaq Warrior Society organized blockades and resisted police repression (Warrior Publications n.d.). Support also came from other Indigenous groups and settler allies (Howe 2015; Crosby and Monaghan 2018).
Day of action: The Indigenous-led organization IDLE No More called for a national day of solidarity protest (Dahm 2014).
SUCCESS:
The companies finally decided to abandon seismic testing and to leave the province until 2015 (Dahm 2014).
In 2015, a temporary moratorium on fracking was announced by the government of New Brunswick and was extended indefinitely in 2016 (CBC News 2018; McCarthy 2016).
Challenges faces
The government opposition to the protesters and the strong police repression was the main challenge faced by protesters.
GNL Quebec (CAN)
Summary of project
GNL Quebec project was a 750-km natural gas pipeline operated by Gazoduq, a gas liquefaction plant managed by Énergie Saguenay, and terminal for the export of methane in Saguenay, QC (Kurdi 2020a).
Summary of resistance
The movement against GNL used multi-level approach, engaging local, national, and international spheres, and created a united front.
Organizing Tactics:
Direct action: The movement began in 2017 with an initial demonstration by Innu Land and Water Protectors. Decentralized actions, like hanging banners at symbolic locations, enhanced visibility and emphasized the project's lack of social acceptability (Kurdi 2021; Marie-Ève Maillé, Baba, and Marcotte 2023). The global climate strikes on September 27, 2019, that drew half a million people and featured a speech by climate activist Greta Thunberg, provided the GNL Quebec movement with an international platform.
Coalition building: Local citizens, civil society groups, environmental activists, opposition parties, and student associations, all united against GNL Quebec. Forming an informal coalition expanded the movement from a local to National issue (L’Héritier 2021; Fiset 2021; Kurdi 2021; Bergamo 2021).
Political organizing: Utilizing petitions, polls, and active participation in official public consultations such as BAPE (The Office of Environmental Public Hearings, Quebec), the movement demonstrated resistance through many formal channels with record-breaking participation (Fiset 2020; Kurdi 2020b).
SUCCESS:
In 2020 and 2021, major investors, including Warren Buffett's firm, withdrew support from the project (Houle 2020; Bourque 2021).
The BAPE (Office of Environmental Public Hearings, Quebec) report came out in the movement’s favor, and Quebec Premier François Legault rejected the project in 2021 (L’Héritier 2021).
Standing Rock (US)
Summary of project
Energy Transfer Partners proposed the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), intended to traverse sacred Indigenous lands.
Summary of resistance
Standing Rock's primary objectives were: safeguarding the Missouri River, protecting sacred lands and historical sites, and upholding the sovereignty and treaty rights of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. Central to the tribe's argument was the contention that the DAPL breached Article II of the Fort Laramie Treaty, securing the right to the peaceful and uninterrupted utilization of reservation lands (Smithsonian 2015).
In March 2016, a pivotal moment occurred as Tokata Iron Eyes and the Standing Rock Youth uncovered plans to reroute the pipeline through sacred lands (Petronzio 2016; Elbein 2017). This discovery marked the initiation of the #NoDAPL movement.
Organizing tactics:
Online presence: The #NoDAPL movement was led by teenagers. They used online platforms, petitions, and mobilized. Social media, particularly the #NoDAPL hashtag, was crucial in amplifying the movement's message and reaching a global audience (Petronzio 2016).
Physical occupation: As tensions escalated, encampments like Sacred Stone and Oceti Sakowin became central to resistance (Yardley 2017). These encampments served as strategic hubs, fostering communal dynamics and providing a base for legal strategies employed by the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe.
Symbolic resistance: ReZpect Our Water played a critical role within the broader #NoDAPL movement. They organized relay runs, symbolizing the historic and spiritual practice of running among Native peoples, contributing to the movement's visibility (Joseph 2016).
International advocacy: Efforts included engagements with the UN Human Rights Council and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Medina 2016).
SUCCESS:
In 2016 the Department of the Army denied an easement under Lake Oahe, halting the pipeline's progression (Healy and Fandos 2016).
This decision generated jubilation at the Oceti Sakowin camp, and had broader implications for Indigenous rights (Healy and Fandos 2016; Todrys 2021).
Challenges faced
There was excessive use of force by police and private military personnel during violent confrontations with protestors (Hersher 2017; Levin and Woolf 2016; Peralta 2016; Levin, Woolf, and Carrington 2016).
President Trump's memorandum in 2017 accelerated the project. In 2021, there remains hope for Standing Rock protestors to be heard (Todrys 2021).
Athabasca Tar Sands Resistance (CAN)
Summary of project
Shell proposed development of the Athabasca Tar Sands. The Athabasca-Chipewyan First Nation (ACFN) strongly challenged Shell, seeking compensation for damage already done and legal recognition of native land rights on traditional territories outside of reserves (Lim 2014).
Summary of resistance
Organizing tactics:
Legal opposition: The ACFN mounted significant legal opposition against Shell in the form of lawsuits and interventions in the regulatory process (Climate & Capitalism 2011; Narine 2015).
Rejecting government channels: Withdrawing from consultative committees proved effective, as these committees often had little impact, and oil companies could no longer claim Indigenous consultation (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014).
In 2010, the Tar Sands Healing Walk was founded by a group of Indigenous activists including the ACFN (Leahy 2014). The Healing Walk, a 14-kilometer walk through the tar sands, was intended to build community and raise awareness about the damage caused by bitumen extraction (Leahy 2014). The Walk ended in 2014 after organizers felt its goals had been achieved (Leahy 2014).
Coalition building: Indigenous groups, environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs), labor groups, and religious groups joined forces (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014). These coalitions extended beyond local communities to the international scale, raising public awareness and increasing pressure on oil companies (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014).
On coalition building, Lubicon Cree activist Melina Laboucan-Massimo said, “‘When we work in coalitions – the environmental movement, First Nations and the labor movement – there’s such a convergence of diverse voices…we’re really starting to see growing public accountability and public opposition being seen and taken seriously'’” (Rose 2014).
SUCCESS:
In 2014, a series of large development projects, including Shell’s Pierre River Mine, were canceled due to “market forces and public opposition” (Rose 2014). It is estimated that public opposition to the tar sands has cost the oil industry over $17 billion (Rose 2014).
Nitaskinan60 (CAN)
Summary of project
Nitaskinan – Atikamekw territory – has been threatened by the destruction of logging companies.
Summary of resistance
Nitaskinan60, or the Kilometer 60 campaign, is an ongoing campaign in Manawan, Québec, Canada.
Organizing tactics:
Blockades: The Dubé family and Manawan community established a blockade on the road leading into the maple grove, and announced a moratorium on logging in Manawan (Richardson and Fournier 2022). The blockade started in February with the immediate goal of stopping the illegal logging and the long-term goal of Indigenous sovereignty and unity.
SUCCESS (this campaign is ongoing):
The Québec Ministère des Fôrets, de la Faune et des Parcs (MFFP) published seven sustainable forestry recommendations for better community consultation and involvement (Conseil de la Nation Atikamekw 2022; Fournier 2022).
The Québec Ministère des Fôrets, de la Faune et des Parcs (MFFP) issued a report in May, 2022, concluding that the MFFP and Scerie Saint-Michel were both at fault (Conseil de la Nation Atikamekw 2022). However, the report neither offered reparations or compensation to the Dubé family or Manawan community nor penalized either of the responsible parties (Fournier 2022).
Challenges faced
While campaigning, some activists expressed fear of danger to individuals, physical or legal (Josselin 2022).
The greatest challenge has been a lack of government cooperation and responsibility.
Strategy and tactics used
Direct action (14/14)
All of the campaigns participated in a form of direct action (disruption of status quo through physical action). Specific tactics varied: protests, marches, sit-ins, civil disobedience and blockades.
Community engagement (9/14)
Engagement with impacted community members was achieved through canvassing, community meetings, workshops, teach-ins, reading groups, focus groups, speak-ins and public events.
Specific examples include the Standing Rock Relay Runs, the Grassy Narrows River Run, and weekly potlucks for Stop Cop City (Gilson 2019; Joseph 2016; Sydow 2022).
Mass engagement (9/14)
Mass engagement (large scale protests) were achieved through petitions and letters.
This was important for the involvement of community members who do not have the same time, ability or privilege to partake in direct action or community events.
Coalition building (7/14)
Success came from the creation of an entirely new entity, creating diverse knowledge, perspectives and increasing the size and strength of campaigns.
Legal action and political pressure (7/14)
Engagement with formalized political and legal processes was used by seeking policy change, using call campaigns, attending public meetings or consultations, running for office or organizing election campaigns.
While many campaigns faced high opposition, many benefited from political alliances.
Legal challenges using lawsuits, legal curt appeals, course cases, referendums and legal advocacy often delayed projects, but did not always result in material gains.
Mass communication (5/14)
Communication platforms such as social media campaigns, banners, magazines, press conferences, documentaries were used to engage the public.
Alternative media and social media was useful in countering mainstream media which often aligns with government and industry perspectives.
Independent research (3/14)
A small handful of campaigns conducted independent research to enhance the campaigns credibility and convince of it's importance.
Participating actors
Diversity of locally impacted community members/land defenders, grassroots activists and NGOs = success
Actors varied across campaigns. The most recurrent type of actors across the case studies were activist networks made up of community members, volunteers, Indigenous groups, and environmental organizations.
Research for the Athabasca Tar Sands case study states that, “Dominant political and industry actors were largely able to overlook the movement until a diverse and influential set of social movement actors began collaborating and shifting these local struggles transnationally.” (Carter and Haluza-DeLay 2014).
Unions
Actors from unions participated in 4 out of 14 of the campaigns.
For the Public Power NY campaign, the involvement of labor unions was identified as a turning point in the struggle. (Dawson 2023; Public Power New York n.d.a.)
Industry professionals and student groups
The least recurrent type of actors were academics, businesses, legal groups, health groups, and student groups.
For GNL Quebec campaign, students made up the largest fraction of supporters with 54 student associations representing more than 350,000 members. Student’s involvement was also identified as crucial.
Academics were defined as actors in the TMX Pipeline and GNL Quebec campaigns. Academic Tim Takaro camped in a tree scheduled to be cut down for the construction of the TMX pipeline and this gathered significant media attention that reached different audiences (Cunningham 2020). David Suzuki, a well known celebrity and academic, was involved with the campaign against GNL Quebec. The involvement of academics or well-known experts helped these campaigns gain wider media attention.
Challenges faced
Government opposition (7/14)
Legal challenges and large public demonstrations were used to overcome government opposition.
Police repression (4/14)
Direct action was used both as a counter to repression, and also faced additional repression. Increased project costs and delays to construction helped address the challenges faced using direct action.
Coalition challenges (4/14)
Difficulty creating alliances due to diverging opinions and perspectives.
E.g. “There has been a lack of structure in the coalition when it comes to making decisions when it comes to allocation of resources…the lack of structure has meant that we are being pulled in like 25 directions all at once. We need to unravel this notion that structure is our enemy. And if we refuse to define what leadership looks like, on the basis that leadership is hierarchical. It just means that leadership goes, unaccounted [for], and it goes unchecked.” -Activist against TMX pipeline
Coalitions were used to strengthen the response to challenges by increasing knowledge and resources
Legal challenges (3/14)
Activist arrests, and opposition from industry.
Health challenges (3/14)
Linked directly to the struggle.
Misinformation (2/14)
Educational efforts helped to counter misinformation.
Results and key research findings
Researchers takeaways for successful climate justice campaigns
Direct action
Most commonly used to successfully overcome government opposition and police repression.
Legal action and political pressure
Most effective for procedural delays, reducing the economic viability of projects, and sometimes, for facilitating the recognition of Indigenous rights and sovereignty.
Coalition building
Both a strategy and a success, leading to new campaigns and/or activist groups, and providing more perspectives and knowledge
When facing police repression, it is important to strengthen the coalition to support activists and communities more at risk of experiencing direct criminalization or police violence, and to uplift marginalized voices.
Community engagement
Both a strategy and a success, fostering collaboration, strong community support and diverse campaigns that engage a wide variety of people.
Communication and raising public awareness
Both a strategy and a success, increasing support for the campaign and lowering acceptability of the target.
Reverend Keyanna Jones explains how educating people within the movement about the intersectionality of an issue aided the mobilization of individuals: "This is what we are fighting so hard for, not only for this land, we're fighting for our community, we're fighting for our bond, we're fighting for this thing that brings us together, but also keeps us alive, keeps us going and gives us a greater quality of life" (2023).
Diversity of actors, strategies and tactics
Greatly contributed to the effectiveness of a successful intersectional campaign.
Direct action, community engagement and building strong, large, and diverse coalitions seem to be the most effective strategies, and the best strategies for overcoming challenges.
HUB team takeaways for successful climate justice campaigns
To mobilize deeper (increase commitment and engagement)...
Connect and engage directly with community members (e.g. canvassing, potlucks, skill shares etc).
"Why in the world would I go to a public park next to a police training facility like I wasn't going to do that. I wasn't going. But when I went back, what I saw was that the community had come in and began to use the land, the community had really started to make it our park. And people were doing teachings there about how to live off of the land, showing you what mushrooms were growing that you could eat, what type of moss you could use to make a poultice for cuts or to any types of wounds, you know, then there was like a weekly potluck that was happening. And people were talking to us about that area of land and what the South River Forest meant to this community." -Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
One-to-one conversations are particularly helpful.
"When we went door to door talking to people, what we found was that for a lot of people, the people who live farther away from the forest, the mayor's narrative was winning in so many ways, because people were like, 'Oh, it's just a training facility like what are you mad about?'... But when you began to talk to people about the nuts and bolts of it, when you began to tell people 'what do you think about a Blackhawk helicopter landing pad?' People like we're like, 'what do we need that for?'...Yeah, well, what do you think about the firing range?" -Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
Connect on the land.
"We kept having events in the forest for as long as we could. We kept up our potluck. We started doing distribution with that. So we had food distribution... clothing that people wanted to bring, hygiene kits... whatever you don't need, pretty much just became like the community swap meet and potluck on every Wednesday... we continue to have skill shares in the forest and we continued to do things like the music festival, where a bunch of people got arrested for just being at a music festival. We kept doing those things so that people could see, like, this is where we are, this is what we're doing this is, this is where we congregate as a community. This is where we come together and do things. You know, this is what we are fighting so hard for not only for this land, we're fighting for our community, we're fighting for our bond, we're fighting for this thing that brings us together, but also keeps us alive, keeps us going gives us a greater quality of life."-Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
To mobilize widely
Engage with many forms of media
"We have to work hard for alternative media to get things out. So we have a number of different news crews that work with us; independent journalists, local magazines and newspapers. And then we were able to get NBC to come here to do a short documentary about cop city... and also the documentary done by Al Jazeera. Those have been like the mainstream media documentaries that have really opened people's eyes." -Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
To get your message across...
Relate to issues concerning community members (i.e. rather than a blanket 'stop climate change', campaigns and communication addressed a specific concern, project, proposal or law impacting locals).
"At the time, I was working for voting rights organization, and I was the lead childcare organizer. And one of the things that I started to do was talk to people about how cop city affected the state of childcare... when you're talking about childcare, you are talking about health care. And when you're talking about health care, you have to talk about economic justice and environmental justice together. And you cannot have a conversation about childcare without talking about reproductive justice. Because according to the pillars of reproductive justice, I am supposed to be able to raise the children that I choose to have in a clean, safe environment that is free of state sanctioned interpersonal violence... So when when you looked at... what that intersectionality was, and how we could get people to understand.. everybody has a stake in this." -Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
To build a stronger force...
Form strategic alliances/coalitions between the grassroots, NGOs, unions, associations, academics etc.
Do skill and knowledge shares for sustainable engagement.
"We constantly do teachings with each other. You know, this Friday, we have a teaching with the Palestinian youth movement to help people understand how cop city connects to the struggle for freedom in Palestine. We constantly educate ourselves so that we educate the community. So, we do that by canvassing, we do that by public facing events like movie screenings and townhall meetings, community talkbacks where the community will come and just tell us, hey, this is my concern." -Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
To maintain momentum...
Recognize and reflect on your successes
"The biggest victory in this fight against cop city, is that people understand what it is that we do need to be safe and community because this has really opened up a huge conversation about community safety." -Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
To strengthen relationships...
Center joy!
"We started to choir... there are a lot of people who are very good singers, there are people who are instrumentalists. There are people who just want to have good vibes and chill out with each other. So we started singing together, we started doing that. And we've performed in a couple of places, it's been a lot of fun. People are carrying it on, you know, make sure that you definitely do that make time for joy and make space for healing." -Keyanna Jones, Stop Cop City
More to come!
HUB team observations: additional lessons for activists
For environmentalists that do not understand how Indigenous sovereignty and police violence relate to the climate crisis...
There are 2 critical points to emphasize:
1) How structural racism and ongoing settler colonialism impact historic and ongoing climate justice campaigns, specifically on Indigenous Land defenders. Schneidel et al. (2020) showed that the degree of criminalization, physical violence, and assassinations during environmental campaigns significantly increases when Indigenous people are involved.
2) Almost every climate justice campaign that has had success in the last 20 years across Turtle Island has been initiated and led by impacted Indigenous communities.
More to come!
If you have corrections or additional resources to share with us related to this content, you can contact kenzie@lehub.ca.
